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by Alexander Hewatt

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Title: An Historical Account Of The Rise And Progress Of The Colonies Of South Carolina And Georgia, Volume 2

Author: Alexander Hewatt

Release Date: May, 2005  [EBook #8181]
[This file was first posted on June 26, 2003]

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AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE COLONIES OF SOUTH
CAROLINA AND GEORGIA

In Two Volumes.

VOL. II.

By ALEXANDER HEWATT







CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME

CHAP. VII.

  _The form of legal governments._
  _Sir Alexander Cumming sent out to treat of peace with the Indians._
  _Brings with him to England seven Cherokees._
  _Who enter into a treaty of peace and alliance._
  _Speech of a Cherokee warrior._
  _Robert Johnson governor._
  _Several indulgences granted the people._
  _Happy effects of peace and security._
  _A project formed for planting a new colony._
  _James Oglethorpe carries a colony to Georgia._
  _He treats with Indians for a share of their lands._
  _Tomochichi's speech to the King._
  _His Majesty's answer._
  _Indians easiest managed by gentle and fair means._
  _The colony of Switzers brought Carolina._
  _Eleven townships marked out._
  _A struggle about lands._
  _State of the colony._
  _The regulation of the Trustees._
  _Their impolitical restrictions._
  _Two colonies of Highlanders and Germans sent out._
  _Thomas Broughton Lieut.-governor of Carolina._
  _Oglethorpe fortifies Georgia._
  _Which gives umbrage to the Spaniards._
  _The brave Chickesaws defeat the French._
  _Religious state of the colony._
  _The association of Presbyterians._
  _Remarks on paper currency._
  _Small progress of Georgia._
  _Hardships of the first settlers._
  _An Irish colony planted._

CHAP. VIII.

  _Trade obstructed by the Spaniards of Mexico._
  _William Bull Lieutenant-governor._
  _Oglethorpe's regiment sent to Georgia._
  _The Spaniards try in vain to seduce the Creeks._
  _Matters hastening to a rupture with Spain._
  _Mutiny in Oglethorpe's camp._
  _A negro insurrection in Carolina._
  _A war with Spain._
  _A project for invading Florida._
  _Measures concerted for this purpose._
  _General Oglethorpe marches against Florida._
  _Invests Augustine._
  _Raises the siege._
  _A great fire at Charlestown._
  _A petition in favour of the rice trade._
  _Remarks on the treatment of slaves._
  _The hardships of their situation._
  _Oppressed with ignorance and superstition._
  _James Glen governor._
  _Lord Carteret's property divided from that of the Crown._
  _The country much exposed to invasion._
  _The Spaniards invade Georgia._
  _A stratagem to get rid of the enemy._
  _The Spaniards retreat to Augustine._
  _Ill treatment of General Oglethorpe._
  _His character cleared, and conduct vindicated._
  _The Carolineans petition for three independent companies._
  _The colony's advantages from Britain._
  _Its advantage and importance to Britain._

CHAP. IX.

  _All commotions and oppressions in Europe favourable to America._
  _Cultivation attended with salutary effects._
  _Mean heat in Carolina._
  _The diseases of the country._
  _Climate favourable to the culture of indigo._
  _The manner of cultivating and making indigo._
  _The common methods of judging of its quality._
  _Nova Scotia settled._
  _The great care of Britain for these colonies._
  _Low state of Georgia._
  _Complaint of the people._
  _Troubles excited by Thomas Bosomworth._
  _With difficulty settled._
  _The charter surrendered to the King._
  _George Whitfield's settlement._
  _Whitfield's orphan-house._
  _Sketch of his character._
  _A congress with Creeks._
  _The Governor's speech to them._
  _Malatchee's answer._
  _A hurricane at Charlestown._
  _The advantages of poor settlers in the province._
  _The advantages of money-lenders._
  _And of the borrowers._
  _Great benefits enjoyed by the colonists._
  _Progress of the province._

CHAP. X.

  _A dispute about the limits of British and French territories._
  _A chain of forts raised by the French._
  _The distracted state of the British colonies._
  _General Braddock's defeat in Virginia._
  _Colonel Johnson's success at Lake George._
  _Governor Glen holds a congress with the Cherokees._
  _And purchases a large tract of land from them._
  _Forts built in defence of Carolina._
  _Its excellent fruits and plants._
  _Its minerals undiscovered._
  _The British forces augmented._
  _Their first success in America._
  _The cause of the Cherokee war._
  _Governor Lyttleton prepares to march against them._
  _The Cherokees sue for peace._
  _Governor Lyttleton marches against the Cherokees._
  _Holds a congress at Fort Prince George._
  _His speech to Attakullakulla._
  _Attakullakulla's answer._
  _A treaty concluded with six chiefs._
  _The Governor returns to Charlestown._
  _The treaty of peace broken._
  _Occonostota's stratagem for killing the officer of the fort._
  _The war becomes general._
  _Colonel Montgomery arrives._
  _And marches against the Cherokees._
  _Chastises them near Etchoe._
  _And returns to Fort Prince George._
  _The consternation of the inhabitants from Indians._
  _Great distress of the garrison at Fort Loudon._
  _The terms obtained for the garrison._
  _Treacherously broken by the savages._
  _A proposal for attacking Fort Prince George._
  _Captain Stuart escapes to Virginia._
  _The war continues._
  _The Highlanders return to Carolina._
  _Colonel Grant marches against the Cherokees._
  _Engages and defeats them._
  _Destroys their towns._
  _Peace with the Cherokees._
  _A quarrel between the commanding officers._
  _A whirlwind at Charlestown._
  _Of the heat at Savanna._

CHAP. XI.

  _A peace, and its happy effects respecting America._
  _Boundaries of East and West Florida._
  _The southern provinces left secure._
  _Encouragement given to reduced officers and soldiers._
  _Georgia begins to flourish._
  _A plan adopted for encouraging emigrations to Carolina._
  _A number of Palatines seduced into England._
  _Sent into Carolina._
  _And settled at Londonderry._
  _Some emigrate from Britain, and multitudes from Ireland._
  _And from the northern colonies, resort to Carolina._
  _Regulations for securing the provinces against Indians._
  _John Stuart made superintendant for Indian affairs._
  _Decrease of Indians, and the causes of it._
  _Present state of Indian nations in the southern district._
  _Mr. Stuart's first speech to the Indians, at Mobile._
  _A description of Charlestown._
  _The number of its inhabitants._
  _A general view of the manners, &c. of the people._
  _And of their way of living._
  _The arts and sciences only of late encouraged._
  _The militia and internal strength of the province._
  _Of its societies formed for mutual support and relief._
  _Of its merchants and trade._
  _Of its planters and agriculture._
  _An interruption of the harmony between Britain and her colonies, and
                the causes of it._
  _The new regulations made in the trade of the colonies give great
                offence._
  _A vote passed for charging stamp-duties on the Americans._
  _Upon which the people of New England discover their disaffection to
                government._
  _An opportunity given the colonies to offer a compensation for the
                stamp-duty._
  _The stamp-act passes in parliament._
  _Violent measures taken to prevent its execution._
  _The assembly of Carolina study ways and means of eluding the act._
  _Their resolutions respecting the obedience due to the British
                parliament._
  _The people become more violent in opposition to government._
  _The merchants and manufacturers in England join in petitioning for
                relief._
  _The stamp-act repealed._
  _Which proves fatal to the jurisdiction of the British parliament in
                America._
  _And gives occasion of triumph to the colonies._





THE HISTORY OF THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE COLONY OF SOUTH CAROLINA.




CHAP. VII.


    [Sidenote] The form of legal governments.

From that period in which the right and title to the lands of Carolina
were sold, and surrendered to the King, and he assumed the immediate care
and government of the province, a new aera commences in the annals of
that country, which may be called the aera of its freedom, security, and
happiness. The Carolineans who had long laboured under innumerable
hardships and troubles, from a weak proprietary establishment, at last
obtained the great object of their desires, a royal government, the
constitution of which depended on commissions issued by the crown to the
Governor, and the instructions which attended those commissions. The form
of all provincial governments was borrowed from that of their mother
country, which was not a plan of systematic rules drawn before-hand by
speculative men, but a constitution which was the result of many ages of
wisdom and experience. Its great object is the public good, in promoting
of which all are equally concerned. It is a constitution which has a
remedy within itself for every political disorder, which, when properly
applied, must ever contribute to its stability and duration. After the
model of this British constitution the government of Carolina now assumed
a form like the other regal ones on the continent, which were composed of
three branches, of a Governor, a Council, and an Assembly. The crown
having the appointment of the Governor, delegates to him; its
constitutional powers, civil and military, the power of legislation as
far as the King possesses it; its judicial and executive powers, together
with those of chancery and admiralty jurisdiction, and also those of
supreme ordinary: all these powers, as they exist in the crown, are known
by the laws of the realm; as they are entrusted to Governors, they are
declared and defined by their commissions patent. The council, though
differing in many respects from the house of peers, are intended to
represent that house, and are appointed by the King during pleasure, for
supporting the prerogatives of the crown in the province. The Assembly
consists of the representatives of the people, and are elected by them as
the House of Commons in Great Britain, to be the guardians of their
lives, liberties, and properties. Here also the constitution confides in
the good behaviour of the representatives; for should they presume in any
respect to betray their trust, it gives the people more frequent
opportunities than even in Britain, of chusing others in their stead. The
Governor convenes, prorogues, and dissolves these Assemblies, and has a
negative on the bills of both houses. After bills have received his
assent, they are sent to Great Britain for the royal approbation, in
consequence of which they have the force of laws in the province. This is
a general sketch of the royal governments, which are intended to resemble
the constitution of Great Britain, as nearly as the local circumstances
of the provinces will admit, and which, notwithstanding its
imperfections, is certainly the best form of government upon earth. By
the instructions which the Governor receives from time to time from
England, his power no doubt is greatly circumscribed; but it is his duty
to transmit authentic accounts of the state of his province, in order
that the instructions given him may be proper, and calculated for
promoting not only the good of the province, but also that of the British
empire.

    [Sidenote] Sir Alexander Cumming sent out to treat of peace with the
               Indians.

After the purchase of the province, the first object of the royal concern
was, to establish the peace of the colony on the most firm and permanent
foundation; and for this purpose treaties of union and alliance with
Indian nations were judged to be essentially necessary. Domestic security
being first established, the colonists might then apply themselves to
industry with vigour and success, and while they enriched themselves,
they would at the same time enlarge the commerce and trade of the
mother-country. For this purpose Sir Alexander Cumming was appointed, and
sent out to conclude a treaty of alliance with the Cherokees, at this
time a warlike and formidable nation of savages. These Indians occupied
the lands about the head of Savanna river, and backwards among the
Apalachian mountains. The country they claimed as their hunting grounds
was of immense extent; and its boundaries had never been clearly
ascertained. The inhabitants of their different towns were computed to
amount to more than twenty thousand, six thousand of whom were warriors,
fit on any emergency to take the field. An alliance with such a nation
was an object of the highest consequence to Carolina, and likewise to the
mother-country, now engaged for its defence and protection.

    [Sidenote] Brings with him to England seven Cherokees.

About the beginning of the year 1730, Sir Alexander arrived in Carolina,
and made preparations for his journey to the distant hills. For his
guides he procured some Indian traders, well acquainted with the woods,
and an interpreter who understood the Cherokee language, to assist him in
his negociations. When he reached Keowee, abort three hundred miles from
Charlestown, the chiefs of the lower towns there met him, and received
him with marks of great friendship and esteem. He immediately dispatched
messengers to the middle, the valley, and over-hill settlements, and
summoned a general meeting of all their chiefs, to hold a congress with
him at Nequassee. Accordingly in the month of April the chief warriors of
all the Cherokee towns assembled at the place appointed. After the
various Indian ceremonies were over, Sir Alexander made a speech to them,
acquainting them by whose authority he was sent, and representing the
great power and goodness of his sovereign King George; how he, and all
his other subjects, paid a cheerful obedience to his laws, and of course
were protected by him from all harm: That he had come a great way to
demand of Moytoy, and all the chieftains of the nation, to acknowledge
themselves the subjects of his King, and to promise obedience to his
authority: and as he loved them, and was answerable to his Sovereign for
their good and peaceable behaviour, he hoped they would agree to what he
should now require of them. Upon which the chiefs, falling on their
knees, solemnly promised fidelity and obedience, calling upon all that
was terrible to fall upon them if they violated their promise. Sir
Alexander then, by their unanimous consent, nominated Moytoy commander
and chief of the Cherokee nation, and enjoined all the warriors of the
different tribes to acknowledge him for their King, to whom they were to
be accountable for their conduct. To this they also agreed, provided
Moytoy should be made answerable to Sir Alexander for his behaviour to
them. After which many useful presents were made them, and the congress
ended to the great satisfaction of both parties. The crown was brought
from Tenassee, their chief town, which with five eagle tails, and four
scalps of their enemies, Moytoy presented to Sir Alexander, requesting
him, on his arrival at Britain, to lay them at his Majesty's feet. But
Sir Alexander proposed to Moytoy, that he should depute some of their
chiefs to accompany him to England, there to do homage in person to the
great King. Accordingly six of them agreed, and accompanied Sir Alexander
to Charlestown, where being joined by another, they embarked for England
in the Fox man of war, and arrived at Dover in June 1730.

    [Sidenote] Who enter into a treaty of peace and alliance.

We shall not pretend to describe their behaviour at the sight of London,
or their wonder and astonishment at the greatness of the city, the number
of the people, and the splendour of the army and court. Being admitted
into the presence of the King, they, in the name of their nation,
promised to continue for ever his Majesty's faithful and obedient
subjects. A treaty was accordingly drawn up, and signed by Alured Popple,
secretary to the Lords Commissioners of trade and plantations, on one
side; and by the marks of the six chiefs, on the other. The preamble to
this treaty recites, "That whereas the six Chiefs, with the consent of
the whole nation of Cherokees, at a general meeting of their nation at
Nequassee, were deputed by Moytoy, their chief warrior, to attend Sir
Alexander Cumming to Great Britain, where they had seen the great King
George: and Sir Alexander, by authority from Moytoy and all the
Cherokees, had laid the crown of their nation, with the scalps of their
enemies and feathers of glory, at his Majesty's feet, as a pledge of
their loyalty: And whereas the great King had commanded the Lords
Commissioners of trade and plantations to inform the Indians, that the
English on all sides of the mountains and lakes were his people, their
friends his friends, and their enemies his enemies; that he took it
kindly the great nation of Cherokees had sent them so far, to brighten
the chain of friendship between him and them, and between his people and
their people; that the chain of friendship between him and the Cherokees
is now like the sun, which shines both in Britain and also upon the great
mountains where they live, and equally warms the hearts of Indians and
Englishmen; that as there is no spots or blackness in the sun, so neither
is there any rust or foulness on this chain. And as the King had fastened
one end to his breast, he defied them to carry the other end of the chain
and fasten it to the breast of Moytoy of Telliquo, and to the breasts of
all their old wise men, their captains, and people, never more to be made
loose or broken.

"The great King and the Cherokees being thus fastened together by a chain
of friendship, he has ordered, and it is agreed, that his children in
Carolina do trade with the Indians, and furnish them with all manner of
goods they want, and to make haste to build houses and plant corn from
Charlestown, towards the towns of Cherokees behind the great mountains:
That he desires the English and Indians may live together as children of
one family; that the Cherokees be always ready to fight against any
nation, whether white men or Indians, who shall dare to molest or hurt
the English; that the nation of Cherokees shall, on their part, take care
to keep the trading path clean, that there be no blood on the path where
the English tread, even though they should be accompanied with other
people with whom the Cherokees may be at war: That the Cherokees shall
not suffer their people to trade with white men of any other nation but
the English, nor permit white men of any other nation to build any forts
or cabins, or plant any corn among them, upon lands which belong to the
great King: and if any such attempt shall be made, the Cherokees must
acquaint the English Governor therewith, and do whatever he directs, in
order to maintain and defend the great King's right to the country of
Carolina: That if any negroes shall run away into the woods from their
English masters, the Cherokees shall endeavour to apprehend them, and
bring them to the plantation from whence they run away, or to the
Governor, and for every slave so apprehended and brought back, the Indian
that brings him shall receive a gun and a watch-coat: and if by any
accident it shall happen, that an Englishman shall kill a Cherokee, the
King or chief of the nation shall first complain to the English Governor,
and the man who did the harm shall be punished by the English laws as if
he had killed an Englishman; and in like manner, if any Indian happens to
kill an Englishman, the Indian shall be delivered up to the Governor, to
be punished by the same English laws as if he were an Englishman."

This was the substance of the first treaty between the King and the
Cherokees, every article of which was accompanied with presents of
different kinds, such as cloth, guns, shot, vermilion, flints, hatchets,
knives. The Indians were given to understand, "That these were the words
of the great King, whom they had seen, and as a token that his heart was
open and true to his children the Cherokees, and to all their people, a
belt was given the warriors, which they were told the King desired them
to keep, and shew to all their people, to their children, and children's
children, to confirm what was now spoken, and to bind this agreement of
peace and friendship between the English and Cherokees, as long as the
rivers shall run, the mountains shall last, or the sun shall shine."

    [Sidenote] Speech of a Cherokee warrior.

This treaty, that it might be the easier understood, was drawn up in
language as similar as possible to that of the Indians, which at this
time was very little known in England, and given to them, certified and
approved by Sir Alexander Cumming. In answer to which, Skijagustah, in
name of the rest, made a speech to the following effect:--"We are come
hither from a mountainous place, where nothing but darkness is to be
found--but we are now in a place where there is light.--There was a
person in our country--he gave us a yellow token of warlike honour, which
is left with Moytoy of Telliquo,--and as warriors we received it.--He
came to us like a warrior from you.--A man he is;--his talk is
upright--and the token he left preserves his memory among us.--We look
upon you as if the great King were present;--we love you as representing
the great King;--we shall die in the same way of thinking.--The crown of
our nation is different from that which the great King George wears, and
from that we saw in the tower.--But to us it is all one.--The chain of
friendship shall be carried to our people.--We look upon the great King
George as the Sun, and as our father, and upon ourselves as his
children.--For though we are red, and you are white, yet our hands and
hearts are joined together.--When we shall have acquainted our people
with what we have seen, our children from generation to generation will
always remember it.--In war we shall always be one with you. The enemies
of the great King shall be our enemies;--his people and ours shall be
one, and shall die together.--We came hither naked and poor as the worms
of the earth, but you have every thing,--and we that have nothing must
love you, and will never break the chain of friendship which is between
us.--Here stands the Governor of Carolina, whom we know.--This small rope
we show you is all that we have to bind our slaves with, and it may be
broken.--But you have iron chains for yours.--However, if we catch your
slaves, we will bind them as well as we can, and deliver them to our
friends, and take no pay for it.--We have looked round for the person
that was in our country--he is not here;--however, we must say he talked
uprightly to us, and we shall never forget him.--Your white people may
very safely build houses near us;--we shall hurt nothing that belongs to
them, for we are children of one father, the great King, and shall live
and die together." Then laying down his feathers upon the table he added:
"This is our way of talking, which is the same thing to us as your
letters in the book are to you, and to you beloved men we deliver these
feathers in confirmation of all we have said."

The Cherokees, however barbarous, were a free and independent people; and
this method of obtaining a share of their lands by the general consent,
was fair and honourable in itself, and most agreeable to the general
principles of equity, and the English constitution. An agreement is made
with them, in consequence of which the King could not only give a just
title to Indian lands; but, by Indians becoming his voluntary subjects,
the colonists obtained peaceable possession. The Cherokees held abundance
of territory from nature, and with little injury to themselves could
spare a share of it; but reason and justice required that it be obtained
by paction or agreement. By such treaties mutual presents were made,
mutual obligations were established, and, for the performance of the
conditions required, the honour and faith of both parties were pledged.
Even to men in a barbarous state such policy was the most agreeable, as
will afterwards clearly appear; for the Cherokees, in consequence of this
treaty, for many years, remained in a state of perfect friendship and
peace with the colonists, who followed their various employments in the
neighbourhood of those Indians, without the least terror or molestation.

    [Sidenote] Robert Johnson Governor.

About the beginning of the year 1731, Robert Johnson, who had been
Governor of Carolina while in the possession of the Lords Proprietors,
having received a commission from the King, investing him with the same
office and authority, arrived in the province. He brought back these
Indian chiefs, possessed with the highest ideas of the power and
greatness of the English nation, and not a little pleased with the kind
and generous treatment they had received. The Carolineans, who had always
entertained the highest esteem for this gentleman, even in the time of
their greatest confusion, having now obtained him in the character of
King's Governor, a thing they formerly had so earnestly desired, received
him with the greatest demonstrations of joy. Sensible of his wisdom and
virtue, and his strong attachment to the colony, they promised themselves
much prosperity and happiness under his gentle administration.

This new Governor, from his knowledge of the province, and the
dispositions of the people, was not only well qualified for his high
office, but he had a council to assist him, composed of the most
respectable inhabitants. Thomas Broughton was appointed
Lieutenant-governor, and Robert Wright Chief Justice. The other members
of the council were, William Bull, James Kinloch, Alexander Skene, John
Fenwick, Arthur Middleton, Joseph Wragg, Francis Yonge, John Hamerton,
and Thomas Waring. At the first meeting of Assembly, the Governor
recommended to both houses, to embrace the earliest opportunity of
testifying their gratitude to his Majesty for purchasing seven-eight
parts of the province, and taking it under his particular care; he
enjoined them to put the laws in execution against impiety and
immorality, and as the most effectual means of discouraging vice, to
attend carefully to the education of youth. He acquainted them of the
treaty which had been concluded in England with the Cherokees, which he
hoped would be attended with beneficial and happy consequences; he
recommended the payment of public debts, the establishment of public
credit, and peace and unanimity among themselves as the chief objects of
their attention; for if they should prove faithful subjects to his
Majesty, and attend to the welfare and prosperity of their country, he
hoped soon to see it, now under the protection of a great and powerful
nation, in as flourishing and prosperous a situation as any of the other
settlements on the continent. They in return presented to him the most
loyal and affectionate addresses, and entered on their public
deliberations with uncommon harmony and great satisfaction.

    [Sidenote] Several indulgences granted the people.

For the encouragement of the people, now connected with the mother
country both by mutual affection and the mutual benefits of commerce,
several favours and indulgences were granted them. The restraint upon
rice, an innumerated commodity, was partly taken off; and, that it might
arrive more seasonably and in better condition at the market, the
colonists were permitted to send it to any port southward of Cape
Finisterre. A discount upon hemp was also allowed by parliament. The
arrears of quit-rents bought from the Proprietors were remitted by a
bounty from the Crown. For the benefit and enlargement of trade their
bills of credit were continued, and seventy-seven thousand pounds were
stamped and issued by virtue of an act of the legislature, called the
Appropriation Law. Seventy pieces of cannon were sent out by the King,
and the Governor had instructions to build one fort at Port-Royal, and
another on the river Alatamaha. An independent company of foot was
allowed for their defence by land, and ships of war were stationed there
for the protection of trade. These and many more favours flowed to the
colony, now emerging from the depths of poverty and oppression, and
arising to a state of freedom, ease and affluence.

    [Sidenote] Happy effects of peace and security.

As a natural consequence of its domestic security, the credit of the
province in England increased. The merchants of London, Bristol, and
Liverpool turned their eyes to Carolina, as a new and promising channel
of trade, and established houses in Charlestown for conducting their
business with the greater ease and success. They poured in slaves from
Africa for cultivating their lands, and manufactures of Britain for
supplying the plantations; by which means the planters obtained great
credit, and goods at a much cheaper rate than they could be obtained from
any other nation. In consequence of which the planters having greater
strength, turned their whole attention to cultivation, and cleared the
lands with greater facility and success. The lands arose in value, and
men of foresight and judgment began to look out and secure the richest
spots for themselves, with that ardour and keenness which the prospects
of riches naturally inspire. The produce of the province in a few years
was doubled. During this year above thirty-nine thousand barrels of rice
were exported, besides deer-skins, furs, naval stores, and provisions;
and above one thousand five hundred negroes were imported into it. From
this period its exports kept pace with its imports, and secured its
credit in England. The rate of exchange had now arisen to seven hundred
_per cent. i. e._ seven hundred Carolina money was given for a bill of an
hundred pounds sterling on England; at which rate it afterwards
continued, with little variation, for upwards of forty years.

Hitherto small and inconsiderable was the progress in cultivation
Carolina had made, and the face of the country appeared like a desert,
with little spots here and there cleared, scarcely discernible amidst the
immense forest. The colonists were slovenly farmers, owing to the vast
quantities of lands, and the easy and cheap terms of obtaining them; for
a good crop they were more indebted to the great power of vegetation and
natural richness of the soil, than to their own good culture and
judicious management. They had abundance of the necessaries, and several
of the conveniencies of life. But their habitations were clumsy and
miserable huts, and having no chaises, all travellers were exposed in
open boats or on horseback to the violent heat of the climate. Their
houses were constructed of wood, by erecting first a wooden frame, and
then covering it with clap-boards without, and plastering it with lime
within, of which they had plenty made from oyster-shells. Charlestown, at
this time, consisted of between five and six hundred houses, mostly built
of timber, and neither well constructed nor comfortable, plain
indications of the wretchedness and poverty of the people. However, from
this period the province improved in building as well as in many other
respects; many ingenious artificers and tradesmen of different kinds
found encouragement in it, and introduced a taste for brick buildings,
and more neat and pleasant habitations. In process of time, as the colony
increased in numbers, the face of the country changed, and exhibited an
appearance of industry and plenty. The planters made a rapid progress
towards wealth and independence, and the trade being well protected,
yearly increased and flourished.

    [Sidenote] A project formed for planting a new colony

At the same time, for the relief of poor and indigent people of Great
Britain and Ireland, and for the farther security of Carolina, the
settlement of a new colony between the rivers Alatamaha and Savanna was
projected in England. This large territory, situated on the south-west of
Carolina, yet lay waste, without an inhabitant except its original
savages. Private compassion and public spirit conspired towards promoting
the excellent design. Several persons of humanity and opulence having
observed many families and valuable subjects oppressed with the miseries
of poverty at home, united, and formed a plan for raising money and
transporting them to this part of America. For this purpose they applied
to the King, obtained from him letters-patent, bearing date June 9th,
1732, for legally carrying into execution what they had generously
projected. They called the new province Georgia, in honour of the King,
who likewise greatly encouraged the undertaking. A Corporation consisting
of twenty-one persons was constituted, by the name of Trustees, for
settling and establishing the Colony of Georgia; which was separated from
Carolina by the river Savanna. The Trustees having first set an example
themselves, by largely contributing towards the scheme, undertook also to
solicit benefactions from others, and to apply the money towards
clothing, arming, purchasing utensils for cultivation, and transporting
such poor people as should consent to go over and begin a settlement.
They however confined not their views to the subjects of Britain alone,
but wisely opened a door also for oppressed and indigent Protestants from
other nations. To prevent any misapplication or abuse of charitable
donations, they agreed to deposit the money in the bank of England, and
to enter in a book the names of all the charitable benefactors, together
with the sums contributed by each of them; and to bind and oblige
themselves, and their successors in office, to lay a state of the money
received and expended before the Lord Chancellor of England, the Lord
Chief Justice of the King's Bench and Common Pleas, the Master of the
Rolls, and the Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer.

When this scheme of the Trustees with respect to the settlement of
Georgia was made public, the well-wishers of mankind in every part of
Britain highly approved of an undertaking so humane and disinterested. To
consult the public happiness, regardless of private interest, and to
stretch forth a bountiful hand for relief of distressed fellow-creatures,
were considered as examples of uncommon benevolence and virtue, and
therefore worthy of general imitation. The ancient Romans, famous for
their courage and magnanimity, ranked the planting of colonies among
their noblest works, and such as added greater lustre to their empire
than their most glorious wars and victories. By the latter old cities
were plundered and destroyed; by the former new ones were founded and
established. The latter ravaged the dominions of enemies, and depopulated
the world; the former improved new territories, provided for unfortunate
friends, and added strength to the state. The benevolent founders of the
colony of Georgia perhaps may challenge the annals of any nation to
produce a design more generous and praise-worthy than that they had
undertaken. They voluntarily offered their money, their labour, and time,
for promoting what appeared to them the good of others, leaving
themselves nothing for reward but the inexpressible satisfaction arising
from virtuous actions. Among other great ends they had also in view the
conversion and civilization of Indian savages. If their public
regulations were afterwards found improper and impracticable; if their
plan of settlement proved too narrow and circumscribed; praise,
nevertheless, is due to them. Human policy at best is imperfect; but,
when the design appears so evidently good and disinterested, the candid
and impartial part of the world will make many allowances for them,
considering their ignorance of the country, and the many defects that
cleave to all codes of laws, even when framed by the wisest legislators.

About the middle of July, 1732, the trustees for Georgia held their first
general meeting, when Lord Percival was chosen President of the
Corporation. After all the members had qualified themselves, agreeable to
the charter, for the faithful discharge of the trust, a common seal was
ordered to be made. The device was, on one side, two figures resting upon
urns, representing the rivers Alatamaha and Savanna, the boundaries of
the province; between them the genius of the colony seated, with a cap of
liberty on his head, a spear in one hand and a cornucopia in the other,
with the inscription, COLONIA GEORGIA AUG.: on the other side was a
represention of silk worms, some beginning and others having finished
their web, with the motto, NON SIBI SED ALIIS; a very proper emblem,
signifying, that the nature of the establishment was such, that neither
the first trustees nor their successors could have any views of interest,
it being entirely designed for the benefit and happiness of others.

    [Sidenote] James Oglethorpe carries a colony to Georgia.

In November following, one hundred and sixteen settlers embarked at
Gravesend for Georgia, having their passage paid, and every thing
requisite for building and cultivation furnished them by the Corporation.
They could not properly be called adventurers, as they run no risque but
what arose from the change of climate, and as they were to be maintained
until by their industry they were able to support themselves. James
Oglethorpe, one of the Trustees, embarked along with them, and proved a
zealous and active promoter of the settlement. In the beginning of the
year following Oglethorpe arrived in Charlestown, where he was received
by the Governor and Council in the kindest manner, and treated with every
mark of civility and respect. Governor Johnson, sensible of the great
advantage that must accrue to Carolina from this new colony; gave all the
encouragement and assistance in his power to forward the settlement. Many
of the Carolineans sent them provisions, and hogs, and cows to begin
their stock. William Bull, a man of knowledge and experience, agreed to
accompany Mr. Oglethorpe, and the rangers and scout-boats were ordered to
attend him to Georgia. After their arrival at Yamacraw, Oglethorpe and
Bull explored the country, and having found an high and pleasant spot of
ground, situated on a navigable river, they fixed on this place as the
most convenient and healthy situation for the settlers. On this hill they
marked out a town, and, from the Indian name of the river which ran past
it, called it Savanna. A small fort was erected on the banks of it as a
place of refuge, and some guns were mounted on it for the defence of the
colony. The people were set to work in felling trees and building huts
for themselves, and Oglethorpe animated and encouraged them, by exposing
himself to all the hardships which the poor objects of his compassion
endured. He formed them into a company of militia, appointed officers
from among themselves, and furnished them with arms and ammunition. To
shew the Indians how expert they were at the use of arms, he frequently
exercised them; and as they had been trained beforehand by the serjeants
of the guards in London, they performed their various parts in a manner
little inferior to regular troops.

    [Sidenote] He treats with Indians for a share of their lands.

Having thus put his colony in as good a situation as possible, the next
object of his attention was to treat with the Indians for a share of
their possessions. The principal tribes that at this time occupied the
territory were the Upper and Lower Creeks; the former were numerous and
strong, the latter, by diseases and war, had been reduced to a smaller
number: both tribes together were computed to amount to about twenty-five
thousand, men, women and children. Those Indians, according to a treaty
formerly made with Governor Nicolson, laid claim to the lands lying
south-west of Savanna river, and, to procure their friendship for this
infant colony, was an object of the highest consequence. But as the tribe
of Indians settled at Yamacraw was inconsiderable, Oglethorpe judged it
necessary to have the other tribes also to join with them in the treaty.
To accomplish this union he found an Indian woman named Mary, who had
married a trader from Carolina, and who could speak both the English and
Creek languages; and perceiving that she had great influence among
Indians, and might be made useful as an interpreter in forming treaties
of alliance with them; he therefore first purchased her friendship with
presents, and afterwards settled an hundred pounds yearly on her, as a
reward for her services. By her assistance he summoned a general meeting
of the chiefs, to hold a congress with him at Savanna, in order to
procure their consent to the peaceable settlement of his colony. At this
congress fifty chieftains were present, when Oglethorpe represented to
them the great power, wisdom and wealth of the English nation, and the
many advantages that would accrue to Indians in general from a connection
and friendship with them; and as they had plenty of lands, he hoped they
would freely resign a share of them to his people, who were come for
their benefit and instruction to settle among them. After having
distributed some presents, which must always attend every proposal of
friendship and peace, an agreement was made, and then Tomochichi, in name
of the Creek warriors, addressed him in the following manner: "Here is a
little present, and, giving him a buffaloe's skin, adorned on the inside
with the head and feathers of an eagle, desired him to accept it, because
the eagle was an emblem of speed, and the buffalo of strength. He told
him, that the English were as swift as the bird and as strong as the
beast, since, like the former, they flew over vast seas to the uttermost
parts of the earth; and, like the latter, they were so strong that
nothing could withstand them. He said, the feathers of the eagle were
soft, and signified love; the buffalo's skin was warm, and signified
protection; and therefore he hoped the English would love and protect
their little families." Oglethorpe accordingly accepted the present, and
after having concluded this treaty limited by the nature of their
government, was nevertheless great, as they always directed the public
councils in all affairs relative to peace and war. It is true their young
men, fond of fame and glory from warlike exploits, and rejoicing in
opportunities of distinguishing themselves, will now and then, in
contempt to the power of their old leaders, break out in scalping
parties. To moderate and restrain the fiery passions of the young men,
the sages find generally the greatest difficulties, especially as these
passions are often roused by gross frauds and impositions. Unprincipled
and avaricious traders sometimes resided among them, who, that they might
the more easily cheat them, first filled the savages drunk, and then took
all manner of advantages of them in the course of traffic. When the
Indian recovered from his fit of drunkenness, and finding himself robbed
of his treasures, for procuring which he had perhaps hunted a whole year,
he is filled with fury, and breathes vengeance and resentment. No
authority can then restrain him within the bounds of moderation. At such
a juncture in vain does the leader of the greatest influence interpose.
He spurns at every person that presumes to check that arm by which alone
he defends his property against the hands of fraud and injustice. Among
themselves indeed theft is scarcely known, and injuries of this kind are
seldom committed; and had the traders observed in general the same
justice and equity in their dealings with them, as they commonly practice
among themselves, it would have been an easy matter with their wise and
grave leaders to maintain peace in all the different intercourses between
Europeans and Indians. Tomochichi acknowledged, that the Governor of the
world had given the English great wisdom, power and riches, insomuch that
they wanted nothing; he had given Indians great territories, yet they
wanted every thing; and he prevailed on the Creeks freely to resign such
lands to the English as were of no use to themselves, and to allow them
to settle among them, on purpose that they might get instruction, and be
supplied with the various necessaries of life. He persuaded them, that
the English were a generous nation, and would trade with them on the most
just and honourable terms; that they were brethren and friends, and would
protect them from danger, and go with them to war against all their
enemies.

Some say that James Oglethorpe, when he came out to settle this colony in
Georgia, brought along with him Sir Walter Raleigh's journals, written by
his own hand; and by the latitude of the place, and the traditions of the
Indians, it appeared to him that Sir Walter had landed at the mouth of
Savanna river. Indeed during his wild and chimerical attempts for finding
out a golden country, it is not improbable that this brave adventurer
visited many different places. The Indians acknowledged that their
fathers once held a conference with a warrior who came over the great
waters. At a little distance from Savanna, there is an high mount of
earth, under which they say the Indian King lies interred, who talked
with the English warrior, and that he desired to be buried in the same
place where this conference was held. But having little authority with
respect to this matter, we leave the particular relation of it to men in
circumstances more favourable for intelligence.

    [Sidenote] The colony of Switzers brought to Carolina.

While the security of Carolina, against external enemies, by this
settlement of Georgia, engaged the attention of British government, the
means of its internal improvement and population at the same time were
not neglected. John Peter Pury, a native of Neufchatel in Switzerland,
having formed a design of leaving his native country, paid a visit to
Carolina, in order to inform himself of the circumstances, and situation
of the province. After viewing the lands there, and procuring all the
information he could, with respect to the terms of obtaining them, he
returned to Britain. The government entered into a contract with him,
and, for the encouragement of the people, agreed to give lands and four
hundred pounds sterling for every hundred effective men he should
transport from Switzerland to Carolina. Pury, while in Carolina, having
furnished himself with a flattering account of the soil and climate, and
of the excellence and freedom of the provincial government, returned to
Switzerland, and, published it among the people. Immediately one hundred
and seventy poor Switzers agreed to follow him, and were transported to
the fertile and delightful province as he described it; and not long
afterwards two hundred more came over, and joined them. The Governor,
agreeable to instructions, allotted forty thousand acres of lands for the
use of the Swiss settlement on the north-east side of Savanna river; and
a town was marked out for their accommodation, which he called
Purisburgh, from the name of the principal promoter of the settlement.
Mr. Bignion, a Swiss minister, whom they had engaged to go with them,
having received episcopal ordination from the bishop of London, settled
among them for their religious instruction. On the one hand the Governor
and council, happy in the acquisition of such a force, allotted each of
them his separate tract of land, and gave every encouragement in their
power to the people: On the other, the poor Swiss emigrants began their
labours with uncommon zeal and courage, highly elevated with the idea of
possessing landed estates, and big with the hopes of future success.
However, in a short time they felt the many inconveniencies attending a
change of climate. Several of them sickened and died, and others found
all the hardships of the first state of colonization falling heavily upon
them. They became discontented with the provisions allowed them, and
complained to government of the persons employed to distribute them; and,
to double their distress, the period for receiving the bounty expired
before they had made such progress in cultivation as to raise sufficient
provisions for themselves and families. The spirit of murmur crept into
the poor Swiss settlement, and the people finding themselves oppressed
with indigence and distress, could consider their situation in no other
light than a state of banishment, and not only blamed Pury for deceiving
them, but also heartily repented their leaving their native country.

    [Sidenote] Eleven townships marked out.

According to the new plan adopted in England for the more speedy
population and settlement of the province; the Governor had instructions
to mark out eleven townships, in square plats, on the sides of rivers,
consisting each of twenty thousand acres, and to divide the lands within
them into shares of fifty acres for each man, woman, and child, that
should come over to occupy and improve them. Each township was to form a
parish, and all the inhabitants were to have an equal right to the river.
So soon as the parish should increase to the number of an hundred
families, they were to have right to send two members of their own
election to the Assembly, and to enjoy the same privileges as the other
parishes already established. Each settler was to pay four shillings a
year for every hundred acres of land, excepting the first ten years,
during which term they were to be rent free. Governor Johnson issued a
warrant to St. John, Surveyor-general of the province, empowering him to
go and mark out those townships. But he having demanded an exorbitant sum
of money for his trouble, the members of the council agreed among
themselves to do this piece of service for their country. Accordingly
eleven townships were marked out by them in the following situations; two
on river Alatamacha, two on Savanna, two on Santee, one on Pedee, one on
Wacamaw, one on Watcree, and one on Black rivers.

    [Sidenote] A struggle about lands.

The old planters now acquiring every year greater strength of hands, by
the large importation of negroes, and extensive credit from England,
began to turn their attention more closely than ever to the lands of the
province. A spirit of emulation broke out among them for securing tracts
of the richest ground, but especially such as were most conveniently
situated for navigation. Complaints were made to the Assembly, that all
the valuable lands on navigable rivers and Creeks adjacent to Port-Royal
had been run out in exorbitant tracts, under colour of patents granted by
the Proprietors to Cassiques and Landgraves, by which the complainants,
who had, at the hazard of their lives, defended the country, were
hindered from obtaining such lands as could be useful and beneficial, at
the established quit-rents, though the Attorney and Solicitor-General of
England had declared such patents void. Among others, Job Rothmaller and
Thomas Cooper, having been accused of some illegal practices with respect
to this matter, a petition was presented to the Assembly by thirty-nine
inhabitants of Granville county in their vindication. When the Assembly
examined into the matter, they ordered their messenger forthwith to take
into custody Job Rothmaller and Thomas Cooper, for aiding, assisting, and
superintending the deputy-surveyor in marking out tracks of land already
surveyed, contrary to the quit rent act. But Cooper, being taken into
custody, applied to Chief Justice Wright for a writ of _habeas corpus_,
which was granted. The Assembly, however, sensible of the ill
consequences that would attend such illegal practices, determined to put
a stop to them by an act made on purpose. They complained to the Governor
and Council against the Surveyor-General, for encouraging land-jobbers,
and allowing such liberties as tended to create litigious disputes in the
province, and to involve it in great confusion. In consequence of which,
the Governor, to give an effectual check to such practices, prohibited
St. John to survey lands to any person without an express warrant from
him. The Surveyor-general, however, determined to make the most of his
office, and having a considerable number to support him, represented both
Governor and Council as persons disaffected to his Majesty's government,
and enemies to the interest of the country. Being highly offended at the
Assembly, he began to take great liberties without doors, and to turn
some of their speeches into ridicule. Upon which an order was issued to
take St. John also into custody; and then the Commons came to the
following spirited resolutions: "That it is the undeniable privilege of
this Assembly to commit such persons they may judge to deserve it: That
the freedom of speech and debate ought not to be impeached or questioned
in any court or place out of that house: That it is a contempt and
violation of the privileges of that house, to call in question any of
their commitments: That no writ of _habeas corpus_ lies in favour of any
person committed by that house, and that the messenger attending do yield
no obedience to such; and that the Chief Justice be made acquainted with
these resolutions." In consequence of which, Wright complained before the
Governor and Council of these resolutions, as tending to the dissolution
of all government, and charged the lower house with disallowing his
Majesty's undoubted prerogative, and with renouncing obedience to his
writs of _habeas corpus_. But the Council in general approved of their
conduct, and were of opinion, that the Assembly of Carolina had that same
privilege there, that the House of Commons had in England. In short, this
affair created some trouble in the colony. For while a strong party, from
motives of private interest, supported the Chief Justice; the Assembly
resolved, "That he appeared to be prejudiced against the people, and was
therefore unworthy of the office he held, and that it would tend to the
tranquillity of the province immediately to suspend him."

In this situation was the colony about the end of the year 1733. Each
planter, eager in the pursuit of large possessions of land, which were
formerly neglected, because of little value, strenuously vied with his
neighbour for a superiority of fortune, and seemed impatient of every
restraint that hindered or cramped him in his favourite pursuit. Many
favours and indulgences had already been granted them from the Crown, for
promoting their success and prosperity, and for securing the province
against external enemies. What farther favours they expected, we may
learn from the following Memorial and Representation of the state of
Carolina, transmitted to his Majesty, bearing date April 9th, 1734, and
signed by the Governor, the President of the Council, and the Speaker of
the Commons House of Assembly.

    [Sidenote] State of the colony.

"Your Majesty's most dutiful subjects of this province, having often
felt, with hearts full of gratitude, the many signal instances of your
Majesty's peculiar favour and protection, to those distant parts of your
dominions, and especially those late proofs of your Majesty's most
gracious and benign care, so wisely calculated for the preservation of
this your Majesty's frontier province on the continent of America, by
your royal charter to the Trustees for establishing the colony of
Georgia, and your great goodness so timely applied, for the promoting the
settlement of the Swiss at Purisburgh; encouraged by such views of your
Majesty's wise and paternal care, extended to your remotest subjects, and
excited by the duty we owe to your most sacred Majesty, to be always
watchful for the support and security of your Majesty's interest,
especially at this very critical conjuncture, when the flame of a war
breaking out in Europe may very speedily be lighted here, in this your
Majesty's frontier province, which, in situation, is known to be of the
utmost importance to the general trade and traffic in America: we,
therefore, your Majesty's most faithful Governor, Council, and Commons,
convened in your Majesty's province of South Carolina, crave leave with
great humility to represent to your Majesty the present state and
condition of this your province, and how greatly it stands in need of
your Majesty's gracious and timely succour in case of a war, to assist
our defence against the French and Spaniards, or any other enemies to
your Majesty's dominions, as well as against the many nations of savages
which so nearly threaten the safety of your Majesty's subjects.

"The province of South Carolina, and the new colony of Georgia, are the
southern frontiers of all your Majesty's dominions on the continent of
America; to the south and south-west of which is situated the strong
castle of St. Augustine, garrisoned by four hundred Spaniards, who have
several nations of Indians under their subjection, besides several other
small settlements and garrisons, some of which are not eighty miles
distant from the colony of Georgia. To the south-west and west of us the
French have erected a considerable town, near Fort Thoulouse on the
Moville river, and several other forts and garrisons, some not above
three hundred miles distant from our settlements; and at New Orleans on
the Mississippi river, since her late Majesty Queen Anne's war, they have
exceedingly increased their strength and traffic, and have now many forts
and garrisons on both sides of that great river for several hundred miles
up the same; and since his most Christian Majesty has taken out of the
Mississippi Company the government of that country into his own hands,
the French natives in Canada come daily down in shoals to settle all
along that river, where many regular forces have of late been sent over
by the King to strengthen the garrisons in those places, and, according
to our best and latest advices, they have five hundred men in pay,
constantly employed as wood-rangers, to keep their neighbouring Indians
in subjection, and to prevent the distant ones from disturbing the
settlements; which management of the French has so well succeeded, that
we are very well assured they have now wholly in their possession and
under their influence, the several numerous nations of Indians that are
situated near the Mississippi river, one of which, called the Choctaws,
by estimation consists of about five thousand fighting men, and who were
always deemed a very warlike nation, lies on this side the river, not
above four hundred miles distant from our out-settlements, among whom, as
well as several other nations of Indians, many French Europeans have been
sent to settle, whom the priests and missionaries among them encourage to
take Indian wives, and use divers other alluring methods to attach the
Indians the better to the French alliance, by which means the French are
become throughly acquainted with the Indian way, warring and living in
the woods, and have now a great number of white men among them, able to
perform a long march with an army of Indians upon any expedition.

"We further beg leave to inform your Majesty, that if the measures of
France should provoke your Majesty to a state of hostility against it in
Europe, we have great reason to expect an invasion will be here made upon
your Majesty's subjects by the French and Indians from the Mississippi
settlements. They have already paved a way for a design of that nature,
by erecting a fort called the Albama fort, alias Fort Lewis, in the
middle of the Upper Creek Indians, upon a navigable river leading to
Mobile, which they have kept well garrisoned and mounted with fourteen
pieces of cannon, and have lately been prevented from erecting a second
nearer to us on that quarter. The Upper Creeks are a nation very bold,
active and daring, consisting of about two thousand five hundred fighting
men, (and not above one hundred and fifty miles distant from the
Choctaws), whom, through we heretofore have traded with, claimed and held
in our alliance, yet the French, on account of that fort and a superior
ability to make them liberal presents, have been for some time striving
to draw them over to their interest, and have succeeded with some of the
towns of the Creeks; which, if they can be secured in your Majesty's
interest, are the only nation which your Majesty's subjects here can
depend upon as the best barrier against any attempts either of the French
or their confederate Indians.

"We most humbly beg leave farther to inform your Majesty, that the French
at Mobile perceiving that they could not gain the Indians to their
interest without buying their deer-skins, (which is the only commodity
the Indians have to purchase necessaries with), and the French not being
able to dispose of those skins by reason of their having no vent for them
in Old France, they have found means to encourage vessels from hence,
New-York, and other places, (which are not prohibited by the acts of
trade), to truck those skins with them for Indian trading goods,
especially the British woollen manufactures, which the French dispose of
to the Creeks and Choctaws, and other Indians, by which means the Indians
are much more alienated from our interest, and on every occasion object
to us that the French can supply them with strouds and blankets as well
as the English, which would have the contrary effect if they were wholly
supplied with those commodities by your Majesty's subjects trading with
them. If a stop were therefore put to that pernicious trade with the
French, the chief dependence of the Creek Indians would be on this
government, and that of Georgia, to supply them with goods; by which
means great part of the Choctaws, living next the Creeks, would see the
advantage the Creek Indians enjoyed by having British woollen
manufactures wholly from your Majesty's subjects, and thereby be invited
in a short time to enter into a treaty of commerce with us, which they
have lately made some offers for, and which, if effected, will soon
lessen the interest of the French with those Indians, and by degrees
attach them to that of your Majesty.

"The only expedient we can propose to recover and confirm that nation to
your Majesty's interest, is by speedily making them presents to withdraw
them from the French alliance, and by building some forts among them your
Majesty may be put in such a situation, that on the first notice of
hostilities with the French, your Majesty may be able at once to reduce
the Albama fort, and we may then stand against the French and their
Indians, which, if not timely prepared for before a war breaks out, we
have too much reason to fear we may be soon over-run by the united
strength of the French, the Creeks and Choctaws, with many other nations
of their Indian allies: for, should the Creeks become wholly enemies, who
are well acquainted with all our settlements, we probably should also be
soon deserted by the Cherokees, and a few others, small tribes of
Indians, who, for the sake of our booty, would readily join to make us a
prey to the French and savages. Ever since the late Indian war, the
offences given us then by the Creeks have made that nation very jealous
of your Majesty's subjects of this province. We have therefore concerted
measures with the honourable James Oglethorpe, Esq; who, being at the
head of a new colony, will (we hope) be successful for your Majesty's
interest among that people. He has already by presents attached the Lower
Creeks to your Majesty, and has laudably undertaken to endeavour the
fixing a garrison among the Upper Creeks, the expence of which is already
in part provided for in this session of the General Assembly of this
province. We hope therefore to prevent the French from encroaching
farther on your Majesty's territories, until your Majesty is graciously
pleased further to strengthen and secure the same.

"We find the Cherokee nation has lately become very insolent to your
Majesty's subjects trading among them, notwithstanding the many favours
the chiefs of that nation received from your Majesty in Great-Britain,
besides a considerable expence which your Majesty's subjects of this
province have been at in making them presents, which inclines us to
believe that the French, by their Indians, have been tampering with them.
We therefore beg leave to inform your Majesty, that the building and
mounting some forts likewise among the Cherokees, and making them
presents will be highly necessary to keep them steady in their duty to
your Majesty, lest the French may prevail in seducing that nation, which
they may the more readily be inclined to from the prospect of getting
considerable plunder in slaves, cattle, _&c._ commodities which they very
well know we have among us, several other forts will be indispensibly
necessary, to be a cover to your Majesty's subjects settled backwards in
this province, as also to those of the colony of Georgia, both which in
length are very extensive; for though the trustees for establishing the
colony of Georgia, by a particular scheme of good management, painfully
conducted by the gentleman engaged here in that charitable enterprise,
has put that small part of the colony, which he has not yet been able to
establish, in a tenable condition, against the Spaniards of Florida which
lie to the southward; yet the back exposition of those colonies to the
vast number of French and Indians which border on the westward, must, in
case of a war, cry greatly aloud for your Majesty's gracious and timely
succour. The expense of our safety on such an occasion, we must, with all
humility, acquaint your Majesty, either for men or money, can never be
effected by your Majesty's subjects of this province, who, in conjunction
with Georgia, do not in the whole amount to more than three thousand five
hundred men, which compose the militia, and wholly consist of planters,
tradesmen, and other men of business.

"Besides the many dangers which by land we are exposed to from so many
enemies that lie on the back of us; we further beg leave to represent to
your Majesty, the defenceless condition of our ports and harbours, where
any enemies of your Majesty's dominions may very easily by sea invade us,
there being no fortifications capable of making much resistance. Those in
Charlestown harbour are now in a very shattered condition, occasioned by
the late violent storms and hurricanes, which already cost this country a
great deal of money, and now requires several thousands of pounds to
repair the old and build new ones, to mount the ordnance which your
Majesty was graciously pleased to send us, which, with great concern, we
must inform your Majesty we have not yet been able to accomplish, being
lately obliged, for the defence and support of this your Majesty's
province and government, to raise, by a tax on the inhabitants, a supply
of above forty thousand pounds paper currency _per annum_, which is a
considerable deal more than a third part of all the currency among us; a
charge which your Majesty's subjects of this province are but barely able
to sustain. Since your Majesty's royal instruction to your Majesty's
Governor here, an entire stop has been put to the duties which before
accrued from European goods imported; and if a war should happen, or any
thing extraordinary, to be farther expensive here, we should be under the
utmost difficulties to provide additionally for the same, lest an
increase of taxes with an apprehension of danger, should drive away many
of our present inhabitants, as well as discourage others from coming here
to settle for the defence and improvement of your Majesty's province,
there being several daily moving with their families and effects to North
Carolina, where there are no such fears and burdens.

"We must therefore beg leave to inform your Majesty, that, amidst our
other perilous circumstances, we are subject to many intestine dangers
from the great number of negroes that are now among us, who amount at
least to twenty-two thousand persons, and are three to one of all your
Majesty's white subjects in this province. Insurrections against us have
been often attempted, and would at any time prove very fatal if the
French should instigate them, by artfully giving them an expectation of
freedom. In such a situation we most humbly crave leave to acquaint your
Majesty, that even the present ordinary expences necessary for the care
and support of this your Majesty's province and government, cannot be
provided for by your Majesty's subjects of this province, without your
Majesty's gracious pleasure to continue those laws for establishing the
duty on negroes and other duties for seven years, and for appropriating
the same, which now lie before your Majesty for your royal assent and
approbation; and the further expences that will be requisite for the
erecting some forts, and establishing garrisons in the several necessary
places, so as to form a barrier for the security of this your Majesty's
province, we most humbly submit to your Majesty.

"Your Majesty's subjects of this province, with fulness of zeal, duty and
affection to your most gracious and sacred Majesty, are so highly
sensible of the great importance of this province to the French, that we
must conceive it more than probable, if a war should happen, they will
use all endeavours to bring this country under their subjection; they
would be thereby enabled to support their sugar islands with all sorts of
provisions and lumber by an easy navigation, which to our great advantage
is not so practicable from the present French colonies, besides the
facility of gaining then to their interest most of the Indian trade on
the northern continent; they might then easily unite the Canadees and
Choctaws, with the many other nations of Indians which are now in their
interest. And the several ports and harbours of Carolina and Georgia,
which now enable your Majesty to be absolute master of the passage
through the Gulf of Florida, and to impede, at your pleasure, the
transportation home of the Spanish treasure, would then prove for many
convenient harbours for your Majesty's enemies, by their privateers or
ships of war to annoy a great part of the British trade to America, as
well as that which is carried on through the Gulf from Jamaica; besides
the loss which Great Britain must feel in so considerable a part of its
navigation, as well as the exports of masts, pitch, tar, and turpentine,
which, without any dependence on the northern parts of Europe, are from
hence plentifully supplied for the use of the British shipping.

"This is the present state and condition of your Majesty's province of
South Carolina, utterly incapable of finding funds sufficient for the
defence of this wide frontier, and so destitute of white men, that even
money itself cannot here raise a sufficient body of them.

"With all humility we therefore beg leave to lay ourselves at the feet of
your Majesty, humbly imploring your Majesty's most gracious care in the
extremities we should be reduced to on the breaking out of a war; and
that your Majesty would be graciously pleased to extend your protection
to us, as your Majesty, in your great wisdom, shall think proper."

    [Sidenote] The regulations of the Trustees.

In the mean time the Trustees for Georgia had been employed in framing a
plan of settlement and establishing such public regulations as they
judged most proper for answering the great end of the corporation. In
this general plan they considered each inhabitant both as a planter and a
soldier who must be provided with arms and ammunition for defence, as
well as with tools and utensils for cultivation. As the strength of the
province was their chief object in view, they agreed to establish such
tenures for holding lands in it as they judged most favourable for a
military establishment. Each tract of land granted was considered as a
military fief, for which the possessor was to appear in arms, and take
the field, when called upon for the public defence. To prevent large
tracts from falling in process of time into one hand, they agreed to
grant their lands in tail male in preference to tail general. On the
termination of the estate in tail male, the lands were to revert to the
trust; and such lands thus reverting were to be granted again to such
persons, as the common council of the trust should judge most
advantageous for the colony; only the Trustees in such a case were to pay
special regard to the daughters of such persons as had made improvements
on their lots, especially when not already provided for by marriage. The
wives of such persons as should survive them, were to be during their
lives entitled to the mansion-house, and one-half of the lands improved
by their husbands. No man was to be permitted to depart the province
without licence. If any part of the lands granted by the Trustees, shall
not by cultivated, cleared, and fenced round about with a worm fence, or
pales, six feet high, within eighteen years from the date of the grant,
such part was to revert to the trust, and the grant with respect to it to
be void. All forfeitures for non-residence, high-treason, felonies, _&c._
were to the Trustees for the use and benefit of the colony. The use of
negroes was to be absolutely prohibited, and also the importation of rum.
None of the colonists were to be permitted to trade with Indians, but
such as should obtain a special licence for that purpose.

    [Sidenote] Their impolitical restrictions.

These were some of the fundamental regulations established by the
Trustees of Georgia, and perhaps the imagination of man could scarcely
have framed a system of rules worse adapted to the circumstances and
situation of the poor settlers, and of more pernicious consequence to the
prosperity of the province. Yet, although the Trustees were greatly
mistaken, with respect to their plan of settlement, it must be
acknowledged their views were generous. As the people sent out by them
were the poor and unfortunate, who were to be provided with necessaries
at their public store, they received their lands upon condition of
cultivation, and by their personal residence, of defence. Silk and wine
being the chief articles intended to be raised, they judged negroes were
not requisite to these purposes. As the colony was designed to be a
barrier to South Carolina, against the Spanish settlement at Augustine
they imagined that negroes would rather weaken than strengthen it, and
that such poor colonists would run into debt, and ruin themselves by
purchasing them. Rum was judged pernicious to health, and ruinous to the
infant settlement. A free trade with Indians was considered as a thing
that might have a tendency to involve the people in quarrels and troubles
with the powerful savages, and expose them to danger and destruction.
Such were probably the motives which induced those humane and generous
persons to impose such foolish and ridiculous restrictions on their
colony. For by granting their small estates in tail male, they drove the
settlers from Georgia, who soon found that abundance of lands could be
obtained in America upon a larger scale, and on much better terms. By the
prohibition of negroes, they rendered it impracticable in such a climate
to make any impression on the thick forest, Europeans being utterly
unqualified for the heavy task. By their discharging a trade with the
West Indies, they not only deprived the colonists of an excellent and
convenient market for their lumber, of which they had abundance on their
lands, but also of rum, which, when mixed with a sufficient quantity of
water, has been found in experience the cheapest, the most refreshing,
and nourishing drink for workmen in such a soggy and burning climate. The
Trustees, like other distant legislators, who framed their regulations
upon principles of speculation, were liable to many errors and mistakes,
and however good their design, their rules were found improper and
impracticable. The Carolineans plainly perceived, that they would prove
unsurmountable obstacles to the progress and prosperity of the colony,
and therefore from motives of pity began to invite the poor Georgians to
come over Savanna river, and settle in Carolina, being convinced that
they could never succeed under such impolitic and oppressive
restrictions.

    [Sidenote] Two Colonies of Highlanders and Germans sent out.

Besides the large sums of money which the Trustees had expended for the
settlement of Georgia, the Parliament had also granted during the two
past years thirty-six thousand pounds towards carrying into execution the
humane purpose of the corporation. But after the representation and
memorial from the legislature of Carolina reached Britain, the nation
considered Georgia to be of the utmost importance to the British
settlements in America, and began to make still more vigorous efforts for
its speedy population. The first embarkations of poor people from
England, being collected from towns and cities, were found equally idle
and useless members of society abroad, as they had been at home. An hardy
and bold race of man, inured to rural labour and fatigue, they were
persuaded would be much better adapted both for cultivation and defence.
To find men possessed of these qualifications, the Trustees turned their
eyes to Germany and the Highlands of Scotland, and resolved to send over
a number of Scotch and German labourers to their infant province. When
they published their terms at Inverness, an hundred and thirty
Highlanders immediately accepted them, and were transported to Georgia. A
town-ship on the river Alatamaha, which was considered as the boundary
between the British and Spanish territories, was allotted for the
Highlanders, on which dangerous situation they settled, and built a town,
which they called New Inverness. About the same time an hundred and
seventy Germans embarked with James Oglethorpe, and were fixed in another
quarter; so that, in the space of three years, Georgia received above
four hundred British subjects, and about an hundred and seventy
foreigners. Afterwards several adventurers, both from Scotland and
Germany, followed their countrymen, and added further strength to the
province, and the Trustees flattered themselves with the hopes of soon
seeing it in a promising condition.

    [Sidenote] Thomas Broughton Lieut.-governor of Carolina.

The same year Carolina lost Robert Johnson, her favourite Governor, whose
death was as much lamented by the people, as during his life he had been
beloved and respected. The province having been much indebted to his
wisdom, courage and abilities, to perpetuate his memory among them, and,
in testimony of their esteem, a monument was erected in their church at
the public expence. After his decease the government devolved on Thomas
Broughton, a plain honest man, but little distinguished either for his
knowledge or valour. As the welfare of the province depended greatly on
its government, no man ought to be entrusted with such a charge but men
of approved virtue and capacity. There is as much danger arising to a
community from a feeble and contemptible government, as from an excess of
power committed to its rulers. Weak and unexperienced hands hold the
reins of government with awkwardness and difficulty, and being easily
imposed upon, their authority sinks into contempt. At this time many of
the leading men of the colony scrupled not to practise impositions, and
being eagerly bent on engrossing lands, the Lieutenant-Governor freely
granted them warrants; and the planters, provided they acquired large
possessions, were not very scrupulous about the legality of the way and
manner in which they were obtained.

    [Sidenote] Oglethorpe fortifies Georgia.

James Oglethorpe having brought a number of great guns with him from
England, now began to fortify Georgia, by erecting strong-holds on its
frontiers, where he judged they might be useful for its safety and
protection. At one place, which he called Augusta a fort was erected on
the banks of Savanna river, which was excellently situated for protecting
the Indian trade, and holding treaties of commerce and alliance with
several of the savage nations. At another place, called Frederica, on an
island nigh the mouth of the river Alatamaha, another fort, with four
regular bastions, was erected, and several pieces of cannon were mounted
on it. Ten miles nearer the sea a battery was raised, commanding the
entrance into the sound, through which all ships of force must come that
might be sent against Frederica. To keep little garrisons in these forts,
to help the Trustees to defray the expences of such public works, ten
thousand pounds were granted by the parliament of Great Britain.

    [Sidenote] Which gives umbrage to the Spaniards.

While James Oglethorpe was thus busily employed in strengthening Georgia,
he received a message from the Governor of Augustine, acquainting him
that a Spanish Commissioner from Havanna had arrived there, in order to
make certain demands of him, and would meet him at Frederica for that
purpose. At the same time he had advice, that three companies of foot had
came along with him to that Spanish settlement. A few days afterwards
this Commissioner came to Georgia by sea, and Oglethorpe, unwilling to
permit him to come to Frederica, dispatched a sloop to bring him into
Jekyl Sound, where he intended to hold a conference with him. Here the
Commissioner had the modesty to demand, that Oglethorpe and his people
should immediately evacuate all the territories to the southward of St.
Helena Sound, as they belonged to the King of Spain, who was determined
to maintain his right to them; and if he refuted to comply with his
demand, he had orders to proceed to Charlestown and lay the same before
the Governor and Council of that province. Oglethorpe endeavoured to
convince him that his Catholic Majesty had been misinformed with respect
to those territories, but to no purpose; his instructions were
peremptory, and the conference broke up without coming to any agreement.
After which Oglethorpe embarked with all possible expedition, and sailed
for England.

During his absence the strict law of the Trustees, respecting the rum
trade, had like to have created a quarrel between the Carolineans and
Georgians. The fortification at Augusta had induced some traders of
Carolina to open stores at that place, so conveniently situated for
commerce with Indian nations. For this purpose, land carriage being
expensive, they intended to force their way by water with loaded boats up
Savanna river to their stores at Augusta. But as they passed the town of
Savanna, the magistrates rashly ordered the boats to be stopt, the
packages to be opened, the casks of rum to be staved, and the people to
be confined. Such injurious treatment was not to be suffered; the
Carolineans determined to give a check to their insolence, and for that
purpose deputed two persons, one from the Council and another from the
Assembly, to demand of the Georgians by what authority they presumed to
seize and destroy the effects of their traders, or to compel them to
submit to their code of laws. The magistrates of Georgia, sensible of
their error, made great concessions to the deputies, and treated them
with the utmost civility and respect. The goods were instantly ordered to
be returned, the people to be set at liberty, and all manner of
satisfaction was given to the deputies they could have expected. Strict
orders were sent to the agents of Georgia among Indians not to molest the
traders from Carolina, but to give them all the assistance and protection
in their power. The Carolineans, on the other hand, engaged not to
smuggle any strong liquors among the settlers of Georgia, and the
navigation on the river Savanna was declared equally open and free to
both provinces.

    [Sidenote] The brave Chickesaws defeat the French.

About the same time the French took the field against the Emperor; and
the flames of war kindling between such powerful potentates, would, it
was thought, inevitably spread, and involve all Europe in the quarrel. In
case Great Britain should interfere in this matter; and declare in favour
of the Emperor, orders were sent out to the Governors of Quebec and New
Orleans to invade the weakest frontiers of the British settlements of
America. For this purpose an army was formed in New France, and
preparations were made for uniting the force of Canada and Louisiana to
attack Carolina. But before this design was put in execution, advice
came, that the clouds of war which threatened Europe were dispersed, and
a general peace was restored, by the mediation of Britain and Holland.
This put a stop to the motions of the main body in Canada; however, a
detachment of two hundred French and four hundred Indians were sent down
the Mississippi, to meet a party from New Orleans to cut off the
Chickesaw Indians. This tribe were the firm allies of Britain, and the
bravest nation of savages on the continent, but consisted only of between
six and eight hundred gun-men. The French having encroached in their
lands, and built some forts nigh them, had on that account drawn upon
themselves their invincible enmity and resentment. The Chickesaws had
long obstinately opposed their progress up the river Mississippi, and
were now the chief obstacle that prevented a regular communication
between Louisiana and Canada. The French determined to remove it, by
extirpating this troublesome nation, and for this purpose fell down the
river in boats to the place where they expected to meet their friends
from New Orleans. But the party from the southward not coming up at the
time appointed, and the Canadians thinking themselves strong enough for
the enterprize, began the war by attacking the Chickesaw towns. Upon
which the savages gathered together above three hundred warriors, gave
the French battle in an open field, and, though with considerable loss,
compleatly defeated them. Above forty Frenchmen and eight Indians were
killed on the spot, and the rest were taken prisoners, among whom was
their commander, and chief, brother to Mons. Bienville, Governor of New
Orleans. Hard was the fate of the unfortunate prisoners, who for several
days were kept almost perishing with hunger in the wilderness, and at
last were tied to a stake, tortured, and burned to death. Another party
of French from Mobile, in the same year, advanced against the Creeks, who
were also unsuccessful, and obliged to retreat with considerable loss.
Carolina rejoiced at those disasters, and began now more than ever to
court the friendship and interest of these rude nations in their
neighbourhood, considering them as the best barrier against their natural
enemies.

    [Sidenote] Religious state of the colony.

By this time the Episcopalian form of divine worship had gained ground in
Carolina, and was more countenanced by the people than any other. That
zeal for the right of private judgment had much abated, and those
prejudices against the hierarchy, which the first emigrants carried from
England with them, were now almost entirely worn off from the succeeding
generation. To bring about this change, no doubt the well-timed zeal and
extensive bounty of the society, incorporated for the propagation of the
Gospel, had greatly contributed. At this time the corporation had no less
than twelve missionaries in Carolina, each of whom shared of their
bounty. Indeed, a mild church-government, together with able, virtuous,
and prudent teachers, in time commonly give the establishment in every
country a superiority over all sectaries. Spacious churches had been
erected in the province, which were pretty well supplied with clergymen,
who were paid from the public treasury, and countenanced by the civil
authority, all which favoured the established church. The dissenters of
Carolina were not only obliged to erect and uphold their churches, and
maintain their clergy by private contributions, but also to contribute
their share in the way of taxes, in proportion to their ability, equally
with their neighbours; towards the maintenance of the poor, and the
support of the establishment. This indeed many of them considered as a
grievance, but having but few friends in the provincial assembly, no
redress could be obtained for them. Besides, the establishment gave its
adherents many advantageous privileges in point of power and authority
over persons of other denominations. It gave them the best chance for
being elected members of the legislature, and of course of being
appointed to offices, both civil and military in their respective
districts. Over youthful minds, fond of power, pomp and military parade,
such advantages have great weight. Dissenters indeed had the free choice
of their ministers, but even this is often the cause of division. When
differences happen in a parish, the minority must yield, and therefore
through private pique, discontent or resentment, they often conform to
the establishment. It is always difficult, and often impossible for a
minister to please all parties, especially where all claim an equal right
to judge and chuse for themselves, and divisions and subdivisions seldom
fail to ruin the power and influence of all sectaries. This was evidently
the case in Carolina for many of the posterity of rigid Dissenters were
now found firm adherents to the church of England, which had grown
numerous on the ruins of the dissenting interest.

    [Sidenote] The association of Presbyterians.

However, the emigrants from Scotland and Ireland, most of whom were
Presbyterians, still composed a considerable party of the province, and
kept up the Presbyterian form of worship in it. Archibald Stobo, of whom
I have formerly taken notice, by great diligence and ability still
preserved a number of followers. An association had been formed in favour
of this mode of religious worship, by Messrs. Stobo, Fisher, and
Witherspoon, three ministers of the church of Scotland, together with
Joseph Stanyarn, and Joseph Blake, men of respectable characters and
considerable fortunes. The Presbyterians had already erected churches at
Charlestown, Wiltown, and in three of the maritime islands, for the use
of the people adhering to that form of religious worship. As the
inhabitants multiplied, several more in different parts of the province
afterwards joined them, and built churches, particularly at Jacksonburgh,
Indian Town, Port-Royal, and Williamsburgh. The first clergymen having
received their ordination in the church of Scotland, the fundamental
rules of the association were framed according to the forms, doctrines,
and discipline of that establishment, to which they agreed to conform as
closely as their local circumstances would admit. These ministers adopted
this mode of religious worship, not only from a persuasion of its
conformity to the primitive Apostolic form, but also from a conviction of
its being, of all others, the most favourable to civil liberty, equality,
and independence. Sensible that not only natural endowments, but also a
competent measure of learning and acquired knowledge were necessary to
qualify men for the sacred function, and enable them to discharge the
duties of it with honour and success, they associated on purpose to
prevent deluded mechanics, and illiterate novices from creeping into the
pulpit, to the disgrace of the character, and the injury of religion. In
different parts of the province, persons of this stamp had appeared, who
cried down all establishments, both civil and religions, and seduced weak
minds from the duties of allegiance, and all that the Presbytery could do
was to prevent them from teaching under the sanction of their authority.
But this association of Presbyterians having little countenance from
government, and no name or authority in law, their success depended
wholly on the superior knowledge, popular talents and exemplary life of
their ministers. From time to time clergymen were afterwards sent out at
the request of the people from Scotland and Ireland; and the colonists
contributed to maintain them, till at length funds were established in
trust by private legacies and donations, to be appropriated for the
support of Presbyterian ministers, and the encouragement of that mode of
religious worship and government.

    [Sidenote] Remarks on paper-currency.

I have several times made remarks on the paper-currency of the province,
which the planters were always for increasing, and the merchants and
money lenders for sinking. The exchange of London, like a commercial
thermometer, served to measure the rise or fall of paper-credit in
Carolina; and the price of bills of exchange commonly ascertained the
value of their current money. The permanent riches of the country
consisted in lands, houses, and negroes; and the produce of the lands,
improved by negroes, raw materials, provisions, and naval stores, were
exchanged for what the province wanted from other countries. The
attention of the mercantile part was chiefly employed about staple
commodities; and as their great object was present profit it was natural
for them to be governed by that great axiom in trade, whoever brings
commodities cheapest and in the best order to market, must always meet
with the greatest encouragement and success. The planters, on the other
hand, attended to the balance of trade, which was turned in their favour,
and concluded, that when the exports of any province exceeded its
imports, whatever losses private persons might now and then sustain, yet
that province upon the whole was growing rich. Let us suppose, what was
indeed far from being the case, that Georgia so far advanced in
improvement as to rival Carolina in raw materials, and exchangeable
commodities, and to undersell her at the markets in Europe: This
advantage could only arise from the superior quality of her lands, the
cheapness of her labour, or her landed men being contented with smaller
profits. In such a case it was the business of the Carolina merchants to
lower the price of her commodities, in order to reap the same advantages
with her neighbours; and this could only be done by reducing the quantity
of paper-money in circulation. If gold and silver only past current in
Georgia, which by general consent was the medium of commerce throughout
the world, if she had a sufficient quantity of them to answer the
purposes of trade, and no paper-currency had been permitted to pass
current; in such case her commodities would bring their full value at the
provincial market, and no more, according to the general standard of
money in Europe. Supposing also that Carolina had a quantity of gold and
silver in circulation, sufficient for the purposes of commerce, and that
the planters, in order to raise the value of their produce, should issue
paper-money equal to the quantity of gold and silver in circulation, the
consequence would be, the price of labour, and of all articles of
exportation would be doubled. But as the markets of Europe remained the
same, and her commodities being of the same kind and quality with those
of Georgia, they would not bring an higher price. Some persons must be
losers, and in the fist instance this loss must fall on the mercantile
interest, and moneyed men. Therefore this superabundance of paper-credit,
on whose foundation the deluded province built its visionary fabric of
great wealth, was not only useless, but prejudicial with respect to the
community. Paper-money in such large quantities is the bane of commerce,
a kind of fictitious wealth, making men by high founding language imagine
they are worth thousands and millions, while a ship's load of it would
not procure for the country a regiment of auxiliary troops in time of
war, nor a suit of clothes at an European market in time of peace. Had
America, from its first settlement, prohibited paper-money altogether,
her staple commodities must have brought her, in the course of commerce,
vast sums of gold and silver, which would have circulated through the
continent, and answered all the purposes of trade both foreign and
domestic. It is true the value of gold and silver is equally nominal, and
rises and falls like the value of other articles of commerce, in
proportion to the quantity in circulation. But as nations in general have
fixed on these metals as the medium of trade, this has served to stamp a
value on them, and render them the means not only of procuring every
where the necessaries of life, but by supporting public credit, the chief
means also of national protection.

However, some distinction in point of policy should perhaps be made
between a colony in its infancy, and a nation already possessed of
wealth, and in an advanced state of agriculture and commerce, especially
while the former is united to, and under the protection of the latter. To
a growing colony, such as Carolina, paper-credit, under certain
limitations, was useful in several respects; especially as the gold and
silver always left the country, when it answered the purpose of the
merchant for remittance better than produce. This credit served to
procure the planter strength of hands to clear and cultivate his fields,
from which the real wealth of the province arose. But in an improved
country such as England, supported by labourers, manufacturers and trade,
large emissions of paper-money lessen the value of gold and silver, and
both cause them to leave the country, and its produce and manufactures to
come dearer to market. Adventurous planters in Carolina, eager to obtain
a number of negroes, always stretched their credit with the traders to
its utmost pitch; for as negroes on good lands cleared themselves in a
few years, they by this means made an annual addition to their capital
stock. After obtaining this credit, it then became their interest to
maintain their superiority in assembly, and discharge their debt to the
merchants in the easiest manner they could. The increase of paper-money
always proved to them a considerable assistance, as it advanced the price
of those commodities they brought to the market, by which they cancelled
their debts with the merchants; so that however much this currency might
depreciate, the loss occasioned by it from time to time fell not on the
adventurous planters, but on the merchants and money-lenders, who were
obliged to take it in payment of debts, or produce, which always arose in
price in proportion to its depreciation.

In excuse for increasing provincial paper-money the planters always pled
the exigencies of the public, such as warlike expeditions, raising
fortifications, providing military stores, and maintaining garrisons;
those no doubt rendered the measure sometimes necessary, and often
reasonable, but private interest had also considerable weight in adopting
it, and carrying it into execution. In the year 1737, a bill of exchange
on London, for a hundred pounds sterling, sold for seven hundred and
fifty pounds Carolina currency. Of this the merchants might complain, but
from this period they had too little weight in the public councils to
obtain any redress. The only resource left for them was to raise the
price of negroes, and British articles of importation, according to the
advanced price of produce, and bills of exchange. However, the exchange
again fell to seven hundred _per cent._ at which standard it afterwards
rested and remained.

    [Sidenote] Small progress of Georgia.

By this time the poor colonists of Georgia, after trial, had become fully
convinced of the impropriety and folly of the plan of settlement framed
by the Trustees, which, however well intended, was ill adapted to their
circumstances, and ruinous to the settlement. In the province of
Carolina, which lay adjacent, the colonists discovered that there they
could obtain lands not only on better terms, but also liberty to purchase
negroes to assist in clearing and cultivating them. They found labour in
the burning climate intolerable, and the dangers and hardships to which
they were subjected unsurmountable. Instead of raising commodities for
exportation, the Georgians, by the labour of several years, were not yet
able to raise provisions sufficient to support themselves and families.
Under each discouragements, numbers retired to the Carolina side of the
river, where they had better prospects of success, and the magistrates
observed the infant colony sinking into ruin, and likely to be totally
deserted. The freeholders in and round Savanna assembled together, and
drew up a state of their deplorable circumstances, and transmitted it to
the Trustees, in which they represented their success in Georgia as a
thing absolutely impossible, without the enjoyment of the same liberties
and privileges with their neighbours in Carolina. In two respects they
implored relief from the Trustees; they desired a fee-simple or free
title to their lands, and liberty to import negroes under certain
limitations, without which they declared they had neither encouragement
to labour, nor ability to provide for their posterity. But the colony of
Highlanders, instead of joining in this application, to a man
remonstrated against the introduction of slaves. As they lay contiguous
to the Spanish dominions, they were apprehensive that these enemies would
entice their slaves from them in time of peace, and in time of war
instigate them to rise against their masters. Besides, they considered
perpetual slavery as shocking to human nature, and deemed the permission
of it as a grievance, and which in some future day might also prove a
scourge, and make many feel the smart of that oppression they so
earnestly desired to introduce. For as the Spaniards had proclaimed
freedom to them, they alledged that slaves would run away, and ruin poor
planters; and at all events would disqualify them the more for defending
the province against external enemies, while their families were exposed
to barbarous domestics, provoked perhaps by harsh usage, or grown
desperate through misery and oppression.

    [Sidenote] Hardships of the first settlers.

Few persons who are acquainted with the country will wonder at the
complaints of the poor settlers in Georgia; for if we consider the
climate to which they were sent, and the labours and hardships they had
to undergo, we may rather be astonished that any of them survived the
first year after their arrival. When James Oglethorpe took possession of
this wilderness, the whole was an immense thick forest, excepting
savannas, which are natural plains where no trees grow, and a few Indian
fields, where the savages planted maize for their subsistence. In the
province there were the same wild animals, fishes, reptiles and insects,
which were found in Carolina. The country in the maritime parts was
likewise a spacious plain, covered with pine trees, where the lands were
barren and sandy; and with narrow slips of oaks, hickory, cypress, cane,
&c. where the lands were of a better quality. Rains, thunder-storms,
hurricanes, and whirlwinds, were equally frequent in the one province as
in the other. Little difference could be perceived in the soil, which in
both was barren or swampy; and the same diseases were common to both. The
lands being covered with wood, through which the sea-breezes could not
penetrate, there was little agitation in the air, which at some seasons
was thick, heavy and foggy, and at others clear, close, and suffocating,
both which are very pernicious to health. The air of the swampy land was
pregnant with innumerable noxious qualities, insomuch that a more
unwholesome climate was not perhaps to be found in the universe. The poor
settlers considered this howling wilderness to which they were brought,
to have been designed by nature rather for the habitation of wild beasts
than human creatures. They found that diseases, or even misfortunes were
in effect equally fatal: for though neither of them might prove mortal,
yet either would disable them from living, and reduce them to a state in
which they might more properly be said to perish than to die.

Nothing has retarded the progress and improvement of these southern
settlements more than the inattention shewn to the natural productions of
the soil, and the preference which has commonly been given to articles
transplanted from Europe. Over the whole world different articles of
produce are suited to different soils and climates. As Georgia lay so
convenient for supplying the West Indies with maize, Indian pease, and
potatoes, for which the demand was very great, perhaps the first planters
could scarcely have turned their attention to more profitable articles,
but without strength of hands little advantage could be reaped from them.
It is true the West-India Islands would produce such articles, yet the
planters would never cultivate them, while they could obtain them by
purchase: the lands there suited other productions more valuable and
advantageous. Abundance of stock, particularly hogs and black cattle,
might have been raised in Georgia for the same market. Lumber was also in
demand, and might have been rendered profitable to the province, but
nothing could succeed there under the foolish restrictions of the
Trustees. European grain, such as wheat, oats, barley, and rye, thrived
very ill on the maritime parts; and even silk and wine were found upon
trial by no means to answer their expectations. The bounties given for
raising the latter were an encouragement to the settlers, but either no
pains were taken to instruct the people in the proper methods of raising
them, or the soil and climate were ill adapted for the purpose. The poor
and ignorant planters applied themselves to those articles of husbandry
to which probably they had been formerly accustomed, but which poorly
rewarded them and left them, after all their toil, in a starved and
miserable condition.

The complaints of the Georgians, however ignorant they might be, ought
not to have been entirely disregarded by the Trustees. Experience
suggested those inconveniencies and troubles from which they implored
relief. The hints they gave certainly ought to have been improved towards
correcting errors in the first plan of settlement, and framing another
more favourable and advantageous. Such scattered thoughts of individuals
sometimes afford wise men materials for forming just judgments, and
improving towards the establishment of the best and most beneficial
regulations. The people governed ought never to be excluded from the
attention and regard of their Governors. The honour of the Trustees
depended on the success and happiness of the settlers, and it was
impossible for the people to succeed and be happy without those
encouragements, liberties and privileges absolutely necessary to the
first state of colonization. A free title to their land, liberty to chuse
it, and then to manage it in such a manner as appeared to themselves most
conducive to their interest, were the principal incentives to industry;
and industry, well directed, is the grand source of opulence to every
country.

It must be acknowledged, for the credit of the benevolent Trustees, that
they sent out these emigrants to Georgia under several very favourable
circumstances. They paid the expences of their passage, and furnished
them with clothes, arms, ammunition, and instruments of husbandry. They
gave them lands, and bought for some of them cows and hogs to begin their
flock. They maintained their family during the first year of their
occupancy, or until they should receive some return from their lands. So
that if the planters were exposed to hazards from the climate, and
obliged to undergo labour, they certainly entered on their task with
several advantages. The taxes demanded, comparatively speaking, were a
mere trifle. For their encouragement they wrought entirely for
themselves, and for some time were favoured with a free and generous
maintenance.

    [Sidenote] An Irish colony planted.

By this time an account of the great privileges and indulgences granted
by the crown for the encouragement of emigration to Carolina, had been
published through Britain and Ireland, and many industrious people in
different parts had resolved to take the benefit of his Majesty's bounty.
Multitudes of labourers and husbandmen in Ireland, oppressed by landlords
and bishops, and unable by their utmost diligence to procure a
comfortable subsistence for their families, embarked for Carolina. The
first colony of Irish people had lands granted them near Santee river,
and formed the settlement called Williamsburgh township. But
notwithstanding the bounty of the crown, these poor emigrants remained
for several years in low and miserable circumstances. The rigours of the
climate, joined to the want of precaution, so common to strangers, proved
fatal to numbers of them. Having but scanty provisions in the first age
of cultivation, vast numbers, by their heavy labour, being both
debilitated in body and dejected in spirit, sickened and died in the
woods. But as this township received frequent supplies from the same
quarter, the Irish settlement, amidst every hardship, increased in
number; and at length they applied to the merchants for negroes, who
entrusted them with a few, by which means they were relieved from the
severest part of the labour, then, by their great diligence and industry,
spots of land were gradually cleared, which in the first place yielded
them provisions, and in process of time became moderate and fruitful
estates.




CHAP. VIII.


    [Sidenote] Trade obstructed by the Spaniards of Mexico.

For several years before an open rupture took place between Great Britain
and Spain, no good understanding subsisted between those two different
courts, neither with respect to the privileges of navigation on the
Mexican seas, nor to the limits between the provinces of Georgia and
Florida. On one hand, the Spaniards pretended that they had an exclusive
right to some latitudes in the bay of Mexico; and, on the other, though
the matter had never been clearly ascertained by treaty, the British
merchants claimed the privilege of cutting logwood on the bay of
Campeachy. This liberty indeed had been tolerated on the part of Spain
for several years, and the British merchants, from avaricious motives,
had begun a traffic with the Spaniards, and supplied them with goods of
English manufacture.  To prevent this illicit trade, the Spaniards
doubled the number of ships stationed in Mexico for guarding the coast,
giving them orders to board and search every English vessel found in
those seas, to seize on all that carried contraband commodities, and
confine the sailors. At length not only smugglers, but fair traders were
searched and detained, so that all commerce in those seas was entirely
obstructed. The British merchants again and again complained to the
ministry of depredations committed, and damages sustained; which indeed
produced one remonstrance after another to the Spanish court; all which
were answered only by evasive promises and delays. The Spaniards
flattered the British minister, by telling him, they would enquire into
the occasion of such grievances, and settle all differences by way of
negotiation. Sir Robert Walpole, fond of pacific measures, and trusting
to such proposals of accommodation, for several years suffered the
grievances of the merchants to remain unredressed, and the trade of the
nation to suffer great losses.

    [Sidenote] William Bull Lieut.-governor.

In the year 1738, Samuel Horsley was appointed Governor of South
Carolina, but he dying before he left England, the charge of the province
devolved on William Bull, a man of good natural abilities, and well
acquainted with the state of the province. The garrison at Augustine
having received a considerable reinforcement, it therefore became the
business of the people of Carolina, as well as those of Georgia, to watch
the motions of their neighbours. As the Spaniards pretended a right to
that province, they were pouring in troops into Augustine, which gave the
British colonists some reason to apprehend they had resolved to assert
their right by force of arms. William Bull despatched advice to England
of the growing power of Spain in East Florida, and at the same time
acquainted the Trustees, that such preparations were making there as
evidently portended approaching hostilities. The British ministers were
well acquainted with the state of Carolina, from a late representation
transmitted by its provincial legislature. The Trustees for Georgia
presented a memorial to the king, giving an account of the Spanish
preparations, and the feeble and defenceless condition of Georgia, and
imploring his Majesty's gracious assistance. In consequence of which, a
regiment of six hundred effective men was ordered to be raised, with a
view of sending them to Georgia. The King having made James Oglethorpe
Major-General of all the forces of the two provinces, gave him the
command of this regiment and ordered him out for the protection of the
southern frontiers of the British dominions in America.

    [Sidenote] Oglethorpe's regiment sent to Georgia.

About the middle of the same year, the Hector, and Blandford ships of war
sailed, to convoy the transports which carried General Oglethorpe and his
regiment to that province. Forty supernumeraries followed the General to
supply the place of such officers or soldiers as might sicken and die by
the change of the climate. Upon the arrival of this regiment, the people
of Carolina and Georgia rejoiced, and testified their grateful sense of
his Majesty's paternal care in the strongest terms. The Georgians, who
had been for some time harassed with frequent alarms, now found
themselves happily relieved, and placed in such circumstances as enabled
them to bid defiance to the Spanish power. Parties of the regiment were
sent to the different garrisons, and the expence the Trustees had
formerly been at in maintaining them of course ceased. The General held
his head-quarters at Frederica, but raised forts on some other islands
lying nearer the Spaniards, particularly in Cumberland and Jekyl islands,
in which he also kept garrisons to watch the motions of his enemies.

    [Sidenote] The Spaniards try in vain to seduce the Creeks.

While these hostile preparations were going on, it behoved General
Oglethorpe to cultivate the firmest friendship with Indian nations, that
they might be ready on every emergency to assist him. During his absence
the Spaniards had made several attempts to seduce the Creeks, who were
much attached to Oglethorpe, by telling them he was at Augustine, and
promised them great presents in case they would pay him a visit at that
place. Accordingly some of their leaders went down to see the beloved
man, but not finding him there, they were highly offended, and resolved
immediately to return to their nation. The Spanish Governor, in order to
cover the fraud, or probably with a design of conveying those leaders out
of the way, that they might the more easily corrupt their nation; told
them, that the General lay sick on board of a ship in the harbour, where
he would be extremely glad to see them. But the savages were jealous of
some bad design, and refused to go, and even rejected their presents and
offers of alliance. When they returned to their nation, they found an
invitation from General Oglethorpe to all the chieftains to meet him at
Frederica, which plainly discovered to them the insidious designs of the
Spaniards, and helped not a little to increase his power and influence
among them. A number of their head warriors immediately set out to meet
him at the place appointed, where the General thanked them for their
fidelity, made them many valuable presents, and renewed the treaty of
friendship and alliance with them. At this congress the Creeks seemed
better satisfied than usual, agreed to march a thousand men to the
General's assistance whenever he should demand them, and invited him up
to see their towns. But as he was then busy, he excused himself, by
promising to visit them next summer, and accordingly dismissed them no
less pleased with his kindness, than incensed against the Spaniards for
their falsehood and deceit.

    [Sidenote] Matters hastening to a rupture with Spain.

By this time the King of England had resolved to vindicate the honour of
his crown, and maintain his right to those territories in Georgia,
together with the freedom of commerce and navigation in the Mexican seas.
The pacific system of Sir Robert Walpole had drawn upon him the
displeasure of the nation, particularly of the mercantile part; and that
amazing power and authority he had long maintained began to decline. The
spirit of the nation was rouzed, insomuch that the administration could
no longer wink at the insults, depredations, and cruelties of Spain.
Instructions were sent to the British ambassador at the court of Madrid,
to demand in the most absolute terms a compensation for the injuries of
trade, which, upon calculation, amounted to two hundred thousand pounds
sterling; and at the same time a squadron of ten ships of the line, under
the command of Admiral Haddock, were sent to the Mediterranean sea. This
produced an order from the Spanish Court to their ambassador, to allow
the accounts of the British merchants, upon condition that the Spanish
demand on the South-Sea Company be deducted: and that Oglethorpe be
recalled from Georgia, and no more employed in that quarter, as he had
there made great encroachments on his Catholic Majesty's dominions. These
conditions were received at the court of Britain with that indignation
which might have been expected from an injured and incensed nation. In
answer to which the Spanish ambassador was given to understand, that the
King of Great Britain was determined never to relinquish his right to a
single foot of land in the province of Georgia; and that he must allow
his subjects to make reprisals, since satisfaction for their losses in
trade could in no other way be obtained. In this unsettled situation,
however, matters remained for a little while between those two powerful
potentates.

    [Sidenote] Mutiny in Oglethorpe's camp.

In the mean time preparations were making both in Georgia and Florida, by
raising fortifications on the borders of the two provinces, to hold each
other at defiance. The British soldiers finding themselves subjected to a
number of hardships in Georgia, to which they had not been accustomed in
Britain, several of them were discontented and ungovernable. At length a
plot was discovered in the camp for assassinating their general. Two
companies of the regiment had been drawn from Gibraltar, some of whom
could speak the Spanish language. While stationed on Cumberland island,
the Spanish out-posts on the other side could approach so near as to
converse with the British soldiers, one of whom had even been in the
Spanish service, and not only understood their language, but also had so
much of a Roman Catholic spirit as to harbour an aversion to Protestant
heretics. The Spaniards had found means to corrupt this villain, who
debauched the minds of several of his neighbours, insomuch that they
united and formed a design first to murder General Oglethorpe, and then
make their escape to Augustine. Accordingly, on a certain day a number of
soldiers under arms came up to the General, and made some extraordinary
demands; which being refused, they instantly cried out, one and all, and
immediately one of them discharged his piece at him: and being only at
the distance of a few paces, the ball whizzed over his shoulder, but the
powder singed his clothes, and burnt his face. Another presented his
piece, which flashed in the pan; a third drew his hanger and attempted to
stab him, but the General parrying it off, an officer standing by run the
ruffian through the body, and killed him on the spot. Upon which the
mutineers ran, but were caught and laid in irons. A court-martial was
called to try the ringleaders of this desperate conspiracy, some of whom
were found guilty and condemned to be shot, in order to deter others from
such dangerous attempts.

Nor was this the only concealed effort of Spanish policy, another of a
more dangerous nature soon followed in Carolina, which might have been
attended with much more bloody and fatal effects. At this time there were
above forty thousand negroes in the province, a fierce, hardy and strong
race, whose constitutions were adapted to the warm climate, whose nerves
were braced with constant labour, and who could scarcely be supposed to
be contented with that oppressive yoke under which they groaned. Long had
liberty and protection been promised and proclaimed to them by the
Spaniards at Augustine, nor were all the negroes in the province
strangers to the proclamation. At different times Spanish emissaries had
been found secretly tampering with them, and persuading them to fly from
slavery to Florida, and several had made their escape to that settlement.
Of these negro refugees the Governor of Florida had formed a regiment,
appointing officers from among themselves, allowing them the same pay and
clothing them in the same uniform with the regular Spanish soldiers. The
most sensible part of the slaves in Carolina were not ignorant of this
Spanish regiment, for whenever they run away from their masters, they
constantly directed their course to this quarter. To no place could negro
serjeants be sent for enlisting men where they could have a better
prospect of success. Two Spaniards were caught in Georgia, and committed
to jail, for enticing slaves to leave Carolina and join this regiment.
Five negroes, who were cattle hunters at Indian Land, some of whom
belonged to Captain McPherson, after wounding his son and killing another
man, made their escape. Several more attempting to get away were taken,
tried, and hanged at Charlestown.

    [Sidenote] A negro insurrection in Carolina.

While Carolina was kept in a state of constant fear and agitation from
this quarter, an insurrection openly broke out in the heart of the
settlement which alarmed the whole province. A number of negroes having
assembled together at Stono, first surprised and killed two young men in
a warehouse, and then plundered it of guns and ammunition. Being thus
provided with arms, they elected one of their number captain, and agreed
to follow him, marching towards the south-west with colours flying and
drums beating, like a disciplined company. They forcibly entered the
house of Mr. Godfrey, and having murdered him, his wife, and children,
they took all the arms he had in it, set fire to the house, and then
proceeded towards Jacksonsburgh. In their way they plundered and burnt
every house, among which were those of Sacheveral, Nash, and Spry,
killing every white person they found in them, and compelling the negroes
to join them. Governor Bull returning to Charlestown from the southward,
met them, and, observing them armed, quickly rode out of their way. He
spread the alarm, which soon reached the Presbyterian church at Wiltown,
where Archibald Stobo was preaching to a numerous congregation of
planters in that quarter. By a law of the province all planters were
obliged to carry their arms to church, which at this critical juncture
proved a very useful and necessary regulation. The women were left in
church trembling with fear while the militia, under the command of
Captain Bee, marched in quest of the negroes, who by this time had become
formidable from the number that joined them. They had marched above
twelve miles, and spread desolation through all the plantations in their
way. Having found rum in some houses, and drank freely of it, they halted
in an open field, and began to sing and dance, by way of triumph. During
these rejoicings the militia discovered them, and stationed themselves in
different places around them, to prevent them from making their escape.
The intoxication of several of the slaves favoured the assailants. One
party advanced into the open field and attacked them, and, having killed
some negroes, the remainder took to the woods, and were dispersed. Many
ran back to their plantations, in hopes of escaping suspicion from the
absence of their masters; but the greater part were taken and tried. Such
as had been compelled to join them contrary to their inclination were
pardoned, but all the chosen leaders and first insurgents suffered death.

All Carolina was struck with terror and consternation by this
insurrection, in which above twenty persons were murdered before it was
quelled, and had not the people in that quarter been fortunately
collected together at church, it is probable many more would have
suffered. Or had it become general, the whole colony must have fallen a
sacrifice to their great power and indiscriminate fury. It was commonly
believed, and not without reason, that the Spaniards were deeply
concerned in promoting the mischief, and by their secret influence and
intrigues with slaves had instigated them to this massacre. Having
already four companies of negroes in their service, by penetrating into
Carolina, and putting the province into confusion, they might no doubt
have raised many more. But, to prevent farther attempts, Governor Bull
sent an express to General Oglethorpe with advice of the insurrection,
desiring him to double his vigilance in Georgia, and seize all straggling
Spaniards and negroes. In consequence of which a proclamation was issued
to stop all slaves found in that province, offering a reward for every
one they might catch attempting to run off. At the same time a company of
rangers were employed to patrole the frontiers, and block up all passages
by which they might make their escape to Florida.

    [Sidenote] A war with Spain.

In the mean time things were hastening to a rupture in Europe, and a war
between England and Spain was thought unavoidable. The plenipotentiaries
appointed for settling the boundaries between Georgia and Florida, and
other differences and misunderstandings subsisting between the two
crowns, had met at Pardo in convention, where preliminary articles were
drawn up; but the conference ended to the satisfaction of neither party.
Indeed the proposal of a negotiation, and the appointment of
plenipotentiaries, gave universal offence to the people of Britain, who
breathed nothing but war and vengeance against the proud and arrogant
Spaniards. The merchants had lost all patience under their sufferings,
and became clamorous for letters of reprisal, which at length they
obtained. Public credit arose, and forwarded hostile preparations. All
officers of the navy and army were ordered to their stations, and with
the unanimous voice of the nation war was declared against Spain on the
23rd of October, 1739.

    [Sidenote] A project for invading Florida.

While Admiral Vernon was sent to take the command of a squadron in the
West-India station, with orders to act offensively against the Spanish
dominions in that quarter, to divide their force, General Oglethorpe was
ordered also to annoy the subjects of Spain in Florida by every method in
his power.  In consequence of which, the General immediately projected an
expedition against the Spanish settlement at Augustine. His design he
communicated by letter to Lieutenant Governor Bull, requesting the
support and assistance of Carolina in the expedition.  Mr. Bull laid his
letter before the provincial assembly, recommending to them to raise a
regiment, and give him all possible assistance in an enterprize of such
interesting consequence. The assembly, sensible of the vast advantages
that must accrue to them from getting rid of such troublesome neighbours,
resolved that so soon as the General should communicate to them his plan
of operations, together with a state of the assistance requisite, at the
same time making it appear that there was a probability of success, they
would most cheerfully assist him. The Carolineans, however, were
apprehensive, that as that garrison had proved such a painful thorn in
their side in time of peace, they would have more to dread from it in
time of war; and although the colony had been much distressed by the
small-pox and the yellow fever for two years past, which had cut off the
hopes of many flourishing families; the people, nevertheless, lent a very
favourable ear to the proposal, and earnestly wished to give all the
assistance in their power towards dislodging an enemy so malicious and
cruel.

    [Sidenote] Measures concerted for this purpose.

In the mean time General Oglethorpe was industrious in picking up all the
intelligence he could respecting the situation and strength of the
garrison, and finding it in great straits for want of provisions, he
urged the speedy execution of his project, with a view to surprise his
enemy before a supply should arrive. He declared, that no personal toil
or danger should discourage him from exerting himself towards freeing
Carolina from such neighbours as had instigated their slaves to massacre
them, and publicly protected them after such bloody attempts. To concert
measures with the greater secrecy and expedition, he went to Charlestown
himself, and laid before the legislature of Carolina an estimate of the
force, arms, ammunition, and provisions, which he judged might be
requisite for the expedition. In consequence of which, the Assembly voted
one hundred and twenty thousand pounds, Carolina money, for the service
of the war. A regiment, consisting of four hundred men, was raised,
partly in Virginia and partly in North and South Carolina, with the
greatest expedition, and the command was given to Colonel Vanderdussen.
Indians were sent for from the different tribes in alliance with Britain.
Vincent Price, commander of the ships of war on that station, agreed to
assist with a naval force consisting of four ships of twenty guns each,
and two sloops, which proved a great encouragement to the Carolineans,
and induced them to enter with double vigour on military preparations.
General Oglethorpe appointed the mouth of St. John's river, on the
Florida shore, for the place of rendezvous, and having finished his
preparations in Carolina, set out for Georgia to join his regiment, and
make all ready for the expedition.

    [Sidenote] General Oglethorpe marches against Florida.

On the 9th of May 1740, the General passed over to Florida with four
hundred select men of his regiment, and a considerable party of Indians;
and on the day following invested Diego, a small fort, about twenty-five
miles from Augustine, which after a short resistance surrendered by
capitulation. In this fort he left a garrison of sixty men, under the
command of Lieutenant Dunbar, and returned to the place of general
rendezvous, where he was joined by Colonel Vanderdussen, with the
Carolina regiment, and a company of Highlanders, under the command of
Captain M'Intosh. But by this time six Spanish half-galleys, with long
brass nine pounders, and two sloops loaded with provisions, had got into
the harbour at Augustine. A few days afterwards, the General marched with
his whole force, consisting of above two thousand men, regulars,
provincials and Indians, to Fort Moosa, situated within two miles of
Augustine, which on his approach the Spanish garrison evacuated, and
retired into the town. He immediately ordered the gates of this fort to
be burnt, three breaches to be made in its walls, and then proceeded to
reconnoitre the town and castle.

Notwithstanding the dispatch of the British army, the Spaniards, during
their stay at Fort Diego, had collected all the cattle in the woods
around them, and drove them into the town; and the General found, both
from a view of the works, and the intelligence he had received from
prisoners, that more difficulty would attend this enterprize than he at
first expected. Indeed, if he intended a surprize, he ought not to have
stopped at Fort Diego, for by that delay the enemy had notice of his
approach, and time to gather their whole force, and put themselves in a
posture of defence. The castle was built of soft stone, with four
bastions; the curtain was sixty yards in length, the parapet nine feet
thick; the rampart twenty feet high, casemated underneath for lodgings,
arched over, and newly made bomb-proof. Fifty pieces of cannon were
mounted, several of which were twenty-four pounders. Besides the castle,
the town was entrenched with ten salient angles, on each of which some
small cannon were mounted. The garrison consisted of seven hundred
regulars, two troops of horse, four companies of armed negroes, besides
the militia of the province, and Indians.

    [Sidenote] Invests Augustine.

The General now plainly perceived that an attack by land upon the town,
and an attempt to take the castle by storm would cost him dear before he
could reduce the place, and therefore changed his plan of operations.
With the assistance of the ships of war, which were now lying at anchor
off Augustine-bar, he resolved to turn the siege into a blockade, and try
to shut up every channel by which provisions could be conveyed to the
garrison. For this purpose he left Colonel Palmer with ninety-five
Highlanders, and forty-two Indians at Fort Moosa, with orders to scour
the woods around the town, and intercept all supplies of cattle from the
country by land. And, for the safety of his men, he at the same time
ordered him to encamp every night in a different place, to keep strict
watch around his camp, and by all means avoid coming to any action. This
small party was the whole force the General left for guarding the land
side. Then he sent Colonel Vanderdussen, with the Carolina regiment, over
a small creek, to take possession of a neck of land called Point Quartel,
above a mile distant from the castle, with orders to erect a battery upon
it; while he himself, with his regiment, and the greatest part of the
Indians, embarked in boats, and landed on the island of Anastatia. In
this island the Spaniards had a small party of men stationed for a guard,
who immediately fled to town, and as it lay opposite to the castle, from
this place, the General resolved to bombard the town. Captain Pierce
stationed one of his ships to guard the passage, by way of the Motanzas,
and with the others blocked up the mouth of the harbour, so that the
Spaniards were cut off from all supplies by sea. On the island of
Anastatia batteries were soon erected, and several cannon mounted by the
assistance of the active and enterprising sailors. Having made these
dispositions, General Oglethorpe then summoned the Spanish Governor to a
surrender; but the haughty Don, secure in his strong hold, sent him for
answer, that he would be glad to shake hands with him in his castle.

This insulting answer excited the highest degree of wrath and indignation
in the General's mind, and made him resolve to exert himself to the
utmost for humbling his pride. The opportunity of surprizing the place
being now lost, he had no other secure method left but to attack it at
the distance in which he then stood. For this purpose he opened his
batteries against the castle, and at the same time threw a number of
shells into the town. The fire was returned with equal spirit both from
the Spanish fort and from six half-gallies in the harbour, but so great
was the distance, that though they continued the cannonade for several
days, little execution was done on either side. Captain Warren, a brave
naval officer, perceiving that all efforts in this way for demolishing
the castle were vain and ineffectual, proposed to destroy the Spanish
gallies in the harbour, by an attack in the night, and offered to go
himself and head the attempt. A council of war was held to consider of
and concert a plan for that service; but, upon sounding the bar, it was
found it would admit no large ship to the attack, and with small ones it
was judged rash and impracticable, the gallies being covered by the
cannon of the castle, and therefore that design was dropt.

    [Sidenote] Raises the siege.

In the mean time the Spanish commander observing the besiegers
embarrassed, and their operations beginning to relax, sent out a
detachment of three hundred men against Colonel Palmer, who surprised him
at Fort Moosa, and, while most of his party lay asleep, cut them almost
entirely to pieces. A few that accidentally escaped, went over in a small
boat to the Carolina regiment at Point Quartel. Some of the Chickesaw
Indians coming from that fort having met with a Spaniard, cut off his
head, agreeable to their savage manner of waging war, and presented it to
the General in his camp: but he rejected it with abhorrence, calling them
barbarous dogs, and bidding them begone. At this disdainful behaviour,
however, the Chickesaws were offended, declaring, that if they had
carried the head of an Englishman to the French, they would not have
treated them so: and perhaps the General discovered more humanity than
good policy by it, for these Indians, who knew none of the European
customs and refinements in war, soon after deserted him. About the same
time the vessel stationed at the Metanzas being ordered off, some small
ships from the Havanna with provisions, and a reinforcement of men, got
into Augustine, by that narrow channel, to the relief of the garrison. A
party of Creeks having surprised one of their small boats, brought four
Spanish prisoners to the General, who informed him, that the garrison had
received seven hundred men, and a large supply of provisions. Then all
prospects of starving the enemy being lost, the army began to despair of
forcing the place to surrender. The Carolinean troops, enfeebled by the
heat, dispirited by sickness, and fatigued by fruitless efforts, marched
away in large bodies. The navy being short of provisions, and the usual
season of hurricanes approaching, the commander judged it imprudent to
hazard his Majesty's ships, by remaining longer on that coast. Last of
all, the General himself, sick of a fever, and his regiment worn out with
fatigue, and rendered unfit for action by a flux, with sorrow and regret
followed, and reached Frederica about the 10th of July 1740.

Thus ended the unsuccessful expedition against Augustine, to the great
disappointment of both Georgia and Carolina. Many heavy reflections were
afterwards thrown out against General Oglethorpe for his conduct during
the whole enterprize. Perhaps the only chance of success he had from the
beginning was by surprising this garrison in the night by some sudden
attempt. He was blamed for remaining so long at fort Diego, by which
means the enemy had full intelligence of his approach, and time to
prepare for receiving him. He was charged with timidity afterwards, in
making no bold attempt on the town. It was said, that the officer who
means to act on the offensive, where difficulties must be surmounted,
ought to display some courage; and that too much timidity in war is often
as culpable as too much temerity. Great caution he indeed used for saving
his men, for excepting those who fell by the sword in fort Moosa, he lost
more men by sickness than by the hands of the enemy. Though the disaster
of Colonel Palmer, in which many brave Highlanders were massacred, was
perhaps occasioned chiefly by want of vigilance and a disobedience of
orders, yet many were of opinion, that it was too hazardous to have left
so small a party on the main land, exposed to sallies from a superior
enemy, and entirely cut off from all possibility of support and
assistance from the main body. In short, the Carolineans called in
question the General's military judgment and skill in many respects; and
protested that he had spent the time in barren deliberations, harassed
the men with unnecessary marches, allowed them not a sufficient quantity
of provisions, and poisoned them with breakish water. He, on the other
hand, declared he had no confidence in the firmness and courage of the
provincials; for that they refused obedience to his orders, and at last
abandoned his camp, and retreated to Carolina. The truth was, so strongly
fortified was the place, both by nature and art, that probably the
attempt must have failed, though it had been conducted by the ablest
officer, and executed by the best disciplined troops. The miscarriage,
however, was particularly ruinous to Carolina, having not only subjected
the province to a great expence, but also left it in a worse situation
than it was before the attempt.

    [Sidenote] A great fire at Charlestown.

The same year stands distinguished in the annals of Carolina, not only
for this unsuccessful expedition against the Spaniards, but also for a
desolating fire, which in November following broke out in the capital,
and laid the half of it in ruins. This fire began about two o'clock in
the afternoon, and burnt with unquenchable violence until eight at night.
The houses being built of wood, and the wind blowing hard at north-west,
the flames spread with astonishing rapidity. From Broad-street, where the
fire kindled, to Granville's Bastion, almost every house was at one time
in flames, and exhibited an awful and striking scene. The vast quantities
of deerskins, rum, pitch, tar, turpentine and powder, in the different
stores, served to increase the horror, and the more speedily to spread
the desolation. Amidst the cries and shrieks of women and children, and
the bursting forth of flames in different quarters, occasioned by the
violent wind, which carried the burning shingles to a great distance, the
men were put into confusion, and so anxious were they about the safety of
their families, that they could not be prevailed upon to unite their
efforts for extinguishing the fire. The sailors from the men of war, and
ships in the harbour were the most active and adventurous hands engaged
in the service. But such was the violence of the flames, that it baffled
all the art and power of man, and burnt until the calmness of the evening
closed the dreadful scene. Three hundred of the best and most convenient
buildings in the town were consumed, which, together with lots of goods,
and provincial commodities, amounted to a prodigious sum. Happily few
lives were lost, but the lamentations of ruined families were heard in
every quarter. In short, from a flourishing condition the town was
reduced in the space of six hours to the lowest and most deplorable
state. All those inhabitants whose houses escaped the flames, went around
and kindly invited their unfortunate neighbours to them, so that two and
three families were lodged in places built only for the accommodation of
one. After the legislature met, to take the miserable state of the people
under consideration, they agreed to make application to the British
parliament for relief. The British parliament voted twenty thousand
pounds sterling, to be distributed among the sufferers at Charlestown,
which relief was equally seasonable and useful on the one side, as it was
generous and noble on the other. No time should obliterate the
impressions of such benevolent actions. This gift certainly deserved to
be wrote on the table of every heart, in the most indelible characters.
For all men must acknowledge, that it merited the warmest returns of
gratitude, not only from the unfortunate objects of such bounty, but from
the whole province.

    [Sidenote] A petition in favour of the rice trade.

While the war between Great Britain and Spain continued, a bill was
brought into parliament to prevent the exportation of rice, among other
articles of provision, to France or Spain, with a view to distress these
enemies as much as possible. In consequence of which, a representation to
the following effect, in behalf of the province of Carolina, and the
merchants concerned in that trade, was presented to the House of Commons
while the bill was depending before them, praying that the article of
rice might be excepted out of the bill, and endeavouring to prove, that
the prohibiting its importation would be highly detrimental to Great
Britain, and in no respect to her enemies: "The inhabitants of South
Carolina have not any manufactures of their own, but are supplied from
Great Britain with all their clothing, and the other manufactures by them
consumed, to the amount of one hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling
a-year. The only commodity of consequence produced in South Carolina is
rice, and they reckon it as much their staple commodity as sugar is to
Barbadoes and Jamaica, or tobacco to Virginia and Maryland; so that if
any stop be put to the exportation of rice from South Carolina to Europe,
it will not only render the planters there incapable of paying their
debts, but also reduce the government of that province to such
difficulties for want of money, as at this present precarious time may
render the whole colony an easy prey to their neighbours the Indians and
Spaniards, and also to those yet more dangerous enemies their own
negroes, who are ready to revolt on the first opportunity, and are eight
times as many in number as there are white men able to bear arms, and the
danger in this respect is greater since the unhappy expedition to
Augustine.

"From the year 1729, when his Majesty purchased South Carolina, the trade
of it hath so increased, that their annual exports and imports of late
have been double the value of what they were in the said year; and their
exports of rice in particular have increased in a greater proportion:
for, from the year 1720 to 1729, being ten years, both included, the
whole export of rice was 264,488 barrels, making 44,081 tons. From the
1730 to 1739, being also ten years, the whole export of rice was 499,525
barrels, making 99,905 tons; so that the export of the latter ten years
exceeded the former by 235,037 barrels, or 55,824 tons: and of the vast
quantities of rice thus exported, scarcely one fifteenth part is consumed
either in Great Britain or in any part of the British dominions; so that
the produce of the other fourteen parts is clear gain to the nation;
whereas almost all the sugar, and one fourth part of the tobacco,
exported from the British colonies, are consumed by the people of Great
Britain, or by British subjects; from whence it is evident, that the
national gain arising from rice is several times as great in proportion,
as the national gain arising from either sugar or tobacco.

"This year, _viz._ 1740, in particular, we shall export from South
Carolina above ninety thousand barrels of rice, of which quantity there
will not be three thousand barrels used here, so that the clear national
gain upon that export will be very great; for at the lowest computation,
of twenty-five shillings sterling _per_ barrel, the eighty-seven thousand
barrels exported will amount in value to one hundred and eight thousand
seven hundred and fifty pounds, at the first hand; whereto there must be
added the charge of freight, _&c._ from South Carolina to Europe, which
amount to more than the first cost of the rice, and are also gain to
Great Britain; so that the least gain upon this article for the present
year will be two hundred and twenty thousand pounds, over and above the
naval advantage of annually employing more than one hundred and sixty
ships of one hundred tons each."

"Rice being an enumerated commodity, it cannot be exported from South
Carolina without giving bond for double the value that the same shall be
landed in Great Britain, or in some of the British plantations, excepting
to the southward of Cape Finisterre, which last was permitted by a law
made in the year 1729; and the motive for such permission was, that the
rice might arrive more seasonably and in better condition at market. We
have hereunto added an account of the several quantities of rice which
have been exported from South Carolina to the different European markets
since the said law was made; and it will thereby appear, that we have not
in those ten years been able to find sale for any considerable quantity
of rice in Spain; for in all that time we have not sold above three
thousand five hundred and seventy barrels to the Spaniards, making only
three hundred and fifty-seven barrels annually upon a medium; nor can we
in the time to come expect any alteration in favour of our rice trade
there, because the Spaniards are supplied with an inferior sort of rice
from Turkey, _&c._ equally agreeable to them and a great deal cheaper
than ours; the truth whereof appears by the rice taken in a ship called
the Baltic Merchant and carried into St. Sebastians, where it was sold at
a price so much under the market rate here, or in Holland, as to
encourage the sending of it thence to Holland and Hamburgh.

"In France the importation of Carolina rice without licence is
prohibited; and though during the last and present years there hath, by
permission, been some consumption of it there, yet the whole did not
exceed nine thousand barrels, and they have received from Turkey so much
rice of the present year's growth, as to make that commodity five
shillings _per_ 100 _lb._ cheaper at Marseilles than here, and even at
Dunkirk it is one shilling and sixpence _per_ 100 _lb._ cheaper than
here; so that there is not any prospect of a demand for Carolina rice in
France, even if liberty could be obtained for sending the same to any
port of that kingdom.

"Germany and Holland are the countries where we find the best market for
our rice, and there the greater part of it is consumed; so that the
present intended embargo, or prohibitory law, cannot have any other
effect, in relation to rice, than that of preventing our allies from
using what our enemies do not want, nor we ourselves consume more than a
twentieth part of, and which is of so perishable a nature, that even in a
cold climate it doth not keep above a year without decaying, and in a
warm climate it perishes entirely. The great consumption of rice in
Germany and Holland is during the winter season, when pease and all kinds
of pulse, _&c._ are scarce; and the rice intended for those markets ought
to be brought there before the frost begins, time enough to be carried up
the rivers; so that preventing the exportation only a few days may be
attended with this had consequence, that by the frost the winter sale may
be lost.

"And as we have now, _viz._ since November 11th, above ten thousand
barrels of old rice arrived, so we may in a few weeks expect double that
quantity, besides the new crop now shipping off from Carolina; the
stopping of all which, in a country where there is not any sale for it,
instead of permitting the same to be carried to the only places of
consumption, must soon reduce the price thereof to so low a rate, that
the merchants who have purchased that rice will not be able to sell it
for the prime cost, much less will they be able to recover the money they
have paid for duty, freight, and other charges thereon, which amount to
double the first cost: for the rice that an hundred pounds sterling will
purchase in South Carolina, costs the importer two hundred more in
British duties, freight, and other charges[1]."

[1] An Account of Rice exported in Ten Years after the Province was
    purchased for the King.

                             _Barrels._
    To Portugal, - - - - - - -  83,379
    To Gibraltar,  - - - - - -     958
    To Spain,  - - - - - - - -   3,570
    To France, - - - - - - - -   9,500
    To Great Britain,
    Ireland, and the
    British Plantations, - - -  30,000
    To Holland, Hamburgh
    and Bremen, including
    7000 barrels to Sweden
    and Denmark, - - - - - - - 372,118
                               -------
    Total quantity exported
    in those ten years,  - - - 499,525

"Thus it appears, that by prohibiting the exportation of rice from this
kingdom, the merchants who have purchased the vast quantities before
mentioned will not only lose the money it cost them, but twice as much
more in duties, freight, and other charges, by their having a perishable
commodity embargoed in a country where it is not used. Or if, instead of
laying the prohibition here, it be laid in South Carolina; that province,
the planters there, and the merchants who deal with them, must all be
involved in ruin; the province, for want of means to support the expense
of government; the planters, for want of the means to pay their debts and
provide future supplies; and the merchants, by not only losing those
debts, but twice as much more in the freight, duties, and other charges,
upon rice which they cannot sell. So that, in either case, a very
profitable colony, and the merchants concerned in the trade of it, would
be ruined for the present, if not totally lost to this kingdom, by
prohibiting the exportation of rice; and all this without doing any
national good in another way, for such prohibition could not in any shape
distress our enemies. It is therefore humbly hoped, that rice will be
excepted out of the bill now before the honourable House of Commons."

As this representation contains a distinct account of the produce and
trade of the province, and shews its usefulness and importance to Great
Britain, we judged it worthy of the particular attention of our readers,
and therefore have inserted it. With respect to the internal dangers
arising from the savage nature and vast number of the slaves, mentioned
in this and a former state of the province, we shall now make some
remarks, in which we will be naturally led to consider their miserable
condition, and the harsh treatment to which slavery necessarily subjects
them.

    [Sidenote] Remarks on the treatment of slaves.

That slavery has been practiced by many of the most civilized nations in
the world, is indeed a truth evident from the history of them. In war the
conquerors were supposed to have a right to the life of their captives,
insomuch that they might kill, torture or enslave them, as they thought
proper. Yet, though war may be justifiable on the principles of
self-preservation and defence, it is no easy matter to vindicate the
conqueror's right to murder or enslave a disarmed enemy. Slavery in
general, like several other enormities, ought to be ascribed to the
corruption and avarice of men, rather than to any principles of nature
and humanity, which evidently testify against it; and that vindication
which is drawn from the custom and practice of ancient nations in favour
of such an institution, is equally applicable to many other enormities
which are a shame and disgrace to human nature. Helpless children have
been exposed to the fury of wild beasts; pride and ambition have spread
their desolations far and wide; but such practices are not therefore
humane and just. That many nations have encouraged slavery, and that the
remains of it are still observable among the freest of them, are argument
which none will plead for their honour and credit. That species of
servitude which still remains in Britain among the labourers in the coal
mines, _&c._ is very different from that to which the natives of Africa
are subjected in the western world; because such labourers voluntarily
enter on such servitude, they acquire wages as their reward, and both
their persons and properties are under the protection of the laws of the
realm.

Upon the slightest reflection all men must confess, that those Africans,
whom the powers of Europe have conspired to enslave, are by nature
equally free and independent, equally susceptible of pain and pleasure,
equally averse from bondage and misery, as Europeans themselves. Like all
rude nations, they have a strong attachment to their native country, and
to those friends and relations with whom they spent the early years of
life. By this trade being torn from those nearest connections, and
transported to a distant land, it is no easy thing to describe the
uneasiness and pain they must endure from such violence and banishment.
During the passage being loaded with irons, and cooped up in a ship,
oppressed with the most gloomy apprehensions, many of them sicken and die
through fear and regret. The provisions made for the voyage by the
merchants and masters of ships, who consult their worldly interest more
than the dictates of humanity, we may be sure are neither of the best
kind, nor distributed among them in the most plentiful manner. After
their arrival they are sold and delivered over to the colonists, to whose
temper, language and manners they are utter strangers; where their
situation for some time, in case of harsh usage, is little better than
that of the dumb beasts, having no language but groans in which they can
express their pains, nor any friend to pity or relieve them. Some destroy
themselves through despair, and from a persuasion they fondly entertain,
that, after death, they will return to their beloved friends and native
country.

    [Sidenote] The hardships of their situation.

After the sale the purchasers become vested with the absolute property of
them, according to the laws, usages, and customs of the trade, and
whatever hardships are thereby imposed on those foreigners, the planters
are so far excusable, having the sanction of the supreme legislature for
the purchase they make. The laws of England, from necessity or
expediency, have permitted such labourers to be imported among them; and
therefore, on their part, the purchase, however injurious, cannot be
illegal. Having acquired this kind of property, it then lies with the
colonists to frame laws and regulations for the future management of
their slaves. In doing this, absolute obedience and non-resistance are
fundamental principles established for the government of them, and
enforced by the severest penalties. All laws framed with respect to them,
give their masters such authority over them as is under few limitations.
Their power of correction may be said to be only not allowed to extend to
death. However severely beat and abused, no negro can bring an action
against his owner, or appear as an evidence against white men, in any
court of law or justice. Their natural rights as human creatures are
entirely disregarded, and punishments are commonly inflicted according to
the will of their master, however cruel and barbarous his disposition may
be. A common place of correction is instituted, to which they are sent to
receive such a number of stripes as their owners shall order, and such
blunders have been committed in giving and executing those orders, that
the innocent sometimes have suffered along with the guilty. In short,
such is their miserable condition, that they are exposed defenceless to
the insolence, caprice, and passions of owners, obliged to labour all
their life without any prospect of reward, or any hope of an end of their
toil until the day of their death. At the decease of their masters they
descend, like other estates of inheritance, to the heir at law, and
sometimes to thoughtless and giddy youth, habituated from their earliest
days to treat them like brutes. At other times, no doubt, they are more
fortunate, but their condition of life evidently subjects them to harsh
usage even from the best of masters, and we leave the world to judge what
they have to expect from the worst.

Indeed it must be acknowledged, in justice to the planters of Carolina in
general, that they treat their slaves with as much, and perhaps more
tenderness, than those of any British colony where slavery exists; yet a
disinterested stranger must observe, even among the best of masters,
several instances of cruelty and negligence in the manner of managing
their slaves. Comparatively speaking, they are well clothed and fed in
that province, which while they continue in health fits and qualifies
them for their task. When they happen to fall sick, they are carefully
attended by a physician; in which respect their condition is better than
that of the poorest class of labourers in Europe. But in the West Indies,
we have been told, they are both covered with rags and have a scanty
portion of provisions allowed them, in which case urgent necessity and
pinching hunger must often urge them to pilfer, and commit many injuries
to which otherwise they would have no inclination, and for which they
incur severe punishment. In cases of violence and murder committed on
these wretched creatures, it is next to impossible to have the
delinquents brought to punishment; for either the grand jury refuse to
find the bill, or the petty jury bring in the verdict not guilty. When
they are tempted to fly to the woods to shun severe labour or punishment
then they may be hunted down or shot as wild beasts. When whipped to
death, the murderer, after all, is only subjected to an inconsiderable
fine, or a short imprisonment, by the provincial laws. It is impossible
that the Author of nature ever intended human beings for such a wretched
fate; for surely he who gave life, gave also an undoubted right to the
means of self-preservation and happiness, and all the common rights and
privileges of nature.

But there is another circumstance which renders their case still more
wretched and deplorable. Good masters and mistresses, whose humanity and
a sense of interest will not permit them to treat their negroes in a
harsh manner, do not always reside at their plantations. Many planters
have several settlements at considerable distances from the place where
they usually live, which they visit perhaps only three or four times in a
year. In their absence the charge of negroes is given to overseers, many
of whom are ignorant and cruel, and all totally disinterested in the
welfare of their charge. In such a case it can scarcely be expected that
justice will be equally dispensed, or punishments properly inflicted. The
negroes, however, ly entirely at the mercy of such men, and such monsters
they sometimes are, as can inflict misery in sport, and hear the groans
extorted from nature with laughter and triumph. All slaves under their
care must yield absolute obedience to their orders, however unreasonable
and difficult, or suffer punishment for their disobedience. It would
rouze the anguish and indignation of a humane person to stand by while a
puny overseer chastises those slaves, and behold with what piercing
stripes he furrows the back of an able negro, whose greatness of soul
will not suffer him to complain, and whose strength could crush his
tormentor to atoms. The unmerciful whip with which they are chastised is
made of cow-skin, hardened, twisted, and tapering, which brings the blood
with every blow, and leaves a scar on their naked back which they carry
with them to their grave. At the arbitrary will of such managers, many of
them with hearts of adamant, this unfortunate race are brought to the
post of correction, often no doubt through malice and wantonness, often
for the most trifling offences, and sometimes, O horrid! when entirely
innocent. Can it be deemed wonderful, that such unhappy creatures should
now and then be tempted to assert the rights of nature? Must not such
harsh usage often fire them with desires of liberty and vengeance? What
can be expected but that they should sometimes give those oppressors
grounds of fear, who have subjected them to such intolerable hardships.

But from those labourers in the field the colonials have perhaps less
danger to dread, than from the number of tradesmen and mechanics in
towns, and domestic slaves. Many negroes discover great capacities, and
an amazing aptness for learning trades, where dangerous tools are used;
and many owners, from motives of profit and advantage, breed them to be
coopers, carpenters, bricklayers, smiths, and other trades. Out of mere
ostentation the colonists also keep a number of them about their
families, who attend their tables, and hear their conversation, which
very often turns upon their own various arts, plots, and assassinations.
From such open and imprudent conversation those domestics may no doubt
take dangerous hints, which, on a fair opportunity, may be applied to
their owners hurt. They have also easy access to fire arms, which gives
them a double advantage for mischief. When they are of a passionate and
revengeful disposition, such domestic slaves seldom want an opportunity
of striking a sudden blow, and avenging themselves, in case of ill usage,
by killing or poisoning their owners. Such crimes have often been
committed in the colonies, and punished; and there is reason to believe
they have also frequently happened, when they have passed undiscovered.
Prudence and self-preservation strongly dictate to the Carolineans the
necessity of guarding against those dangers which arise from domestic
slaves, many of whom are idle, cunning and deceitful.

    [Sidenote] Oppressed with ignorance and superstition.

In other respects the policy of the colonists, with respect to the
management and treatment of slaves is extremely defective. The hardships
to which their bodies are exposed, would be much more tolerable and
justifiable, were any provision made for civilizing and improving their
minds. But how grievous their circumstances when we consider, that,
together with their bodily toil and misery, they are also kept in heathen
ignorance and darkness, destitute of the means of instruction, and
excluded in a manner from the pale of the Christian church. Humanity
places every rational creature upon a level, and gives all an equal title
those rights of nature, which are essential to life and happiness.
Christianity breathes a spirit of benevolence, gentleness, and compassion
for mankind in general, of what nation or complexion soever they be. As
government has tolerated and established slavery in the plantations, the
supreme charge of these creatures may be regarded rather as a national
than a provincial concern. Being members of a great empire, living under
its supreme care and jurisdiction, and contributing to the increase of
trade and commerce, to the improvement and opulence of the British
dominions, they are unquestionably entitled to a share of national
benevolence and Christian charity. An institution for their religious
instruction was an object of such usefulness and importance, that it
merited the attention of the supreme legislature; and the expence of a
few superb and perhaps empty churches in England, would certainly have
been better employed in erecting some neat buildings in the plantations
for this beneficial purpose. To such an institution the merchants of
Britain, especially those who owe a great part of their opulence to the
labours of Africans, and whose plea for the trade was the bringing them
within the pale of the Christian church, ought certainly to have
contributed in the most liberal manner. The profits of the trade,
abstracting from other considerations, could well admit of it; but every
principle of compassion for the ignorant, the poor, and the unfortunate,
powerfully dictates the same duty, the neglect of which, to every
impartial judge, must appear in a very inexcusable and criminal light.
Masters of slaves under the French and Spanish jurisdictions, are obliged
by law to allow them time for instruction, and to bring them up in the
knowledge and practice of the Catholic religion. Is it not a reproach to
the subjects of Britain, who profess to be the freest and most civilized
people upon earth, that no provision is made for this purpose, and that
they suffer so many thousands of these creatures, residing in the British
dominions, to live and die the slaves of ignorance and superstition? How
can they expect the blessing of heaven on the riches flowing from their
foreign plantations, when they are at no pains to introduce those objects
of their care to the knowledge of the true God, and to make them
partakers of the benefits and hopes of Christianity.

The advantages of religion, like the other gifts of heaven, ought to be
free and common as the air we breathe to every human creature, capable of
making a proper use and improvement of them. To the honour of the society
for the propagation of the Gospel it must indeed be acknowledged, that
they have made some efforts for the conversion and instruction of those
heathens. Not many years ago they had no less than twelve missionaries in
Carolina, who had instructions to give all the assistance in their power
for this laudable purpose, and to each of whom they allowed fifty pounds
a-year, over and above their provincial salaries. But it is well known,
that the fruit of their labours has been very small and inconsiderable.
Such feeble exertions were no ways equal to the extent of the work
required, nor to the greatness of the end proposed. Whether their small
success ought to be ascribed to the rude and untractable dispositions of
the negroes, to the discouragements and obstructions thrown in the way by
their owners, or to the negligence and indolence of the missionaries
themselves we cannot pretend to determine. Perhaps we may venture to
assert, that it has been more or less owing to all these different
causes. One thing is very certain, that the negroes of that country, a
few only excepted, are to this day as great strangers to Christianity,
and as much under the influence of Pagan darkness, idolatry and
superstition, as they were at their first arrival from Africa.

But, though neglected by the British nation, they are entitled to a share
of the common privileges of humanity and Christianity, from their
provincial owners. It is their duty and interest to use slaves with
tenderness and compassion, and render them as happy and contented as
their situation will admit. Were they to allow them certain portions of
time from their labours of body for the improvement of their mind, and
open the way for, and provide the means of instruction, would not kind
usage be productive of many beneficial effects? The loss of labour none
but avaricious wretches would grudge, and the day of rest allotted for
man and beast since the beginning of the world, and properly improved for
that purpose, might of itself be attended with good consequences;
whereas, to encourage them to labour on that day for themselves, is not
only robbing them of the opportunities of instruction, but abusing the
Sunday, by making it to them the most laborious day of the week. It would
strike a stranger with astonishment and indignation, to hear the excuses
planters make for this criminal neglect. Some will tell you they are
beings of an inferior rank, and little exalted above brute creatures;
that they have no souls, and therefore no concern need be taken about
their salvation. Others affirm, that they would become more expert in
vice by being taught, and greater knaves by being made Christians. But
such advocates for heathen ignorance and barbarism merit no serious
notice, being enemies to all improvements in human nature, and all the
benefits resulting to society from civilization and Christianity. Certain
it is, the inhabitants of Africa have the same faculties with those of
Europe. Their minds are equally capable of cultivation, equally
susceptible of the impressions of religion. Ridiculous is it to imagine,
that the black tincture of their skin, or the barbarous state in which
they were there found, can make any material alteration. Though fortune
has put the former under the power of the latter, and assigned them the
portion of perpetual labour to procure the mere luxuries of life for
other men; yet, if such a traffic be reasonable and just, there is no
crime negroes can commit that may not be defended and justified upon the
same principles. If Europe, to obtain sugar, rum, rice, and tobacco, has
a right to enslave Africa; surely Africa, if she had the power, has a
much better right to rob Europe of those commodities, the fruits of her
children's labour. Every argument that can be brought in support of the
institution of slavery, tends to the subversion of justice and morality
in the world. The best treatment possible from the colonists cannot
compensate for so great a loss. Freedom, in its meanest circumstances, is
infinitely preferable to slavery, though it were in golden fetters, and
accompanied with the greatest splendour, ease, and abundance.

If then the greatest advantages are not a sufficient compensation for the
loss of liberty, what shall we think of those who deny them the smallest?
But one would imagine that, exclusive of every other motive, personal
safety would even induce the colonists to provide for them those
advantages which would render them as easy and contented as possible with
their condition. Were they duly impressed with a sense of their duty to
God and man; were they taught the common rules of honesty, justice, and
truth; were their dispositions to humility, submission, and obedience,
cultivated and improved; would not such advantages place them more on a
level with hired servants, who pay a ready and cheerful obedience to
their masters? Were they favoured with the privileges of Christianity,
would they not be more faithful and diligent, and better reconciled to
their servile condition? Besides, Christianity has a tendency to tame
fierce and wild tempers. It is not an easy thing to display the great and
extensive influence which the fear of God, and the expectation of a
future account, would have upon their minds: Christianity enforces the
obligations of morality, and produces a more regular and uniform
obedience to its laws. A due sense of the divine presence, the hopes of
his approbation, and the fears of his displeasure, are motives that
operate powerfully with the human mind, and in fact would prove stronger
barriers against trespasses, murders, plots, and conspiracies, than any
number of stripes from the hands of men, or even the terrors of certain
death. Whereas, to keep the minds of human creatures under clouds of
darkness, neither disciplined by reason, nor regulated by religion, is a
reproach to the name of Protestants, especially in a land of Christian
light and liberty. Sundays and holidays are indeed allowed the negroes in
Carolina, the former cannot consistent with the laws be denied them; the
latter, as they are commonly spent are nuisances to the province.
Holidays there are days of idleness, riot, wantonness and excess; in
which the slaves assemble together in alarming crowds, for the purposes
of dancing, feasting and merriment. At such seasons the inhabitants have
the greatest reason to dread mischief from them; when let loose from
their usual employments, they have fair opportunities of hatching plots
and conspiracies, and of executing them with greater facility, from the
intemperance of their owners and overseers.

After all, it must be confessed, that the freemen of Carolina themselves
were for many years in a destitute condition with respect to religious
instruction; partly owing to their own poverty and the unhealthiness of
the climate, and partly owing to troubles and divisions subsisting among
them during the proprietary government. At that time the first object of
their concern would no doubt be to provide for themselves and their
children: but since the province has been taken under the royal care,
their circumstances in every respect have changed for the better,
insomuch that they are not only able to provide instruction for
themselves and families, but also to extend the benefit to those living
in a state of servitude among them. Now they are arrived to such an easy
and flourishing situation, as renders their neglect entirely without
excuse. The instruction of negroes would no doubt be a difficult, but by
no means an impracticable undertaking, and the more difficult the end,
the more praise and merit would be due to those who should effectually
accomplish it. Even the Catholics of Spain pitied the miserable condition
of negroes living among the protestant colonies, and to induce them to
revolt, proffered them the advantages of liberty and religion at
Augustine. Is it not a shame to a Protestant nation to keep such a number
of human creatures so long among them, beings of the same nature,
subjects of the same government, who have souls to be saved, and capable
of being eternally happy or miserable in a future world, not only in a
miserable state of slavery, but also of pagan darkness and superstition.
What could be expected from creatures thus doomed to endless labour, and
deprived of the natural rights of humanity and the privileges of
Christianity, but that they should snatch at the least glimmering hopes
and prospects of a better state, and give their task-masters reason to
dread, that they would lay hold of some opportunity of forcing their way
to it. This inexcusable negligence with respect to them may be considered
of itself as no small source of danger to the colonists, as the hazard is
greater from savage and ferocious, than mild and civilized dispositions,
and, as the restraints of terror and temporal punishments are less
constant and powerful than those of conscience and religion. The
political and commercial connection subsisting between the mother country
and the colonies, makes the charge of negroes, in reason and justice, to
fall equally upon both. And whatever other men may think, we are of
opinion, that an institution for their instruction was an object of the
highest consequence, and that, by all the laws of God and man, that
nation which brought this unfortunate race into such a situation, was
bound to consult both their temporal and eternal felicity.

    [Sidenote] James Glen governor.

About this time James Glen received a commission from his majesty,
investing him with the government of South Carolina, and at the same time
was appointed Colonel of a new regiment of foot to be raised in the
province. He was a man of considerable knowledge, courteous, and polite;
exceedingly fond of military parade and ostentation, which commonly have
great force on ordinary minds, and by these means he maintained his
dignity and importance in the eyes of the people. All governors invested
with extensive powers ought to be well acquainted with the common and
civil laws of their country; and every wise prince will guard against
nominating weak or wicked persons to an high office, which affords them
many opportunities of exercising their power to the prejudice of the
people. When men are promoted to the government of provinces on account
of their abilities and merit, and not through the interest of friends,
then we may expect to see public affairs wisely managed, authority
revered, and every man sitting secure under his vine, and enjoying the
fruits of his industry with contentment and satisfaction. But when such
offices are bestowed on ignorant or needy persons, because they happen to
be favourites of some powerful and clamorous Lord at court, without any
view to the interest and happiness of the people, then avarice and
oppression commonly prevail on one hand, and murmur and discontent on the
other. The appointment of Governor Glen was so far proper, as he
possessed those qualifications which rendered his government respectable,
and the people living under it for several years happy and contented. His
council, consisting of twelve men, were appointed also by the King, under
his sign manual. The assembly of representatives consisted of forty-four
members, and were elected every third year by the freeholders of sixteen
parishes. The court of chancery was composed of the Governor and Council,
to which court belonged a master of chancery and a register. There was a
court of vice-admiralty, the Judge, Register, and Marshal of which were
appointed by the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty in England. The
Court of King's Bench consisted of a Chief Justice appointed by the King,
who sat with some assistant justices of the province; and the same judges
constituted the Court of Common Pleas. There were likewise an
Attorney-General, a Clerk, and Provost-Marshal. The Secretary of the
province, who was also Register, the Surveyor-general of the lands, and
the Receiver-general of the quit-rents, were all appointed by the Crown.
The Comptroller of the customs, and three Collectors, at the ports of
Charlestown, Port-Royal, and Georgetown, were appointed by the
Commissioners of the Customs in England. The provincial Treasurer was
appointed by the General Assembly. The clergy were elected by the
freeholders of the parish. All Justices of the peace, and officers of the
militia, were appointed by the Governor in Council. This is the nature of
the provincial government and constitution, and in this way were the
principal officers of each branch appointed or elected, under the royal
establishment.

    [Sidenote] Ld. Carteret's property divided from that of the Crown.

About the same time John Lord Carteret (now Earl of Granville) applied by
petition to his Majesty, praying that the eighth part of the lands and
soil granted by King Charles, and referred to him by the act of
parliament establishing an agreement with the other seven Lords
Proprietors for the surrender of their title and interest to his Majesty,
might be set apart and allotted to him and his heirs for ever, and
proposing to appoint persons to divide the same; at the same time
offering to resign to the King his share of, and interest in the
government, and to convey, release and confirm to his Majesty, and his
heirs, the other seven parts of the province. This petition being
referred to the Lords Commissioners of trade and plantations, they
reported, that it would be for his Majesty's service that Lord Carteret's
property should be separated from that of his Majesty, and that the
method proposed by his Lordship would be the most proper and effectual
for the purpose. Accordingly five commissioners were appointed on the
part of the King, and five on that of Lord Carteret for separating his
Lordship's share, and making it one entire district by itself. The
territory allotted him was divided on the north-east by the line which
separated North Carolina from Virginia; on the east by the Atlantic
ocean; on the south by a point on the sea-shore, in latitude thirty-five
degrees and thirty-four minutes; and, agreeable to the charter, westward
from these points on the sea-shore it extended, in a line parallel to the
boundary line of Virginia, to the Pacific Ocean. Not long afterwards, a
grant of the eighth part of Carolina, together with all yearly rents and
profits arising from it, passed the great seal, to John Lord Carteret and
his heirs. But the power of making laws, calling and holding assemblies,
erecting courts of justice, appointing judges and justices, pardoning
criminals, granting titles of honour, making ports and havens, taking
customs or duties on goods, executing the martial law, exercising the
royal rights of a county palatine, or any other prerogatives relating to
the administrations of government, were all excepted out of the grant.
Lord Carteret was to hold this estate upon condition of yielding and
paying to his Majesty and his heirs and successors, the annual-rent of
one pound thirteen shillings and fourpence, on the feast of All-Saints,
for ever, and also one fourth part of all the gold and silver ore found
within this eighth part of the territory so separated and granted him.

    [Sidenote] The country much exposed to invasion.

As Carolina abounds with navigable rivers, while it enjoys many
advantages for commerce and trade, it is also much exposed to foreign
invasions. The tide on that coast flows from six to ten feet
perpendicular, and makes its way up into the flat country by a variety of
channels. All vessels that draw not above seventeen feet water, may
safely pass over the bar of Charlestown, which at spring-tides will admit
ships that draw eighteen feet. This bar lies in thirty-two degrees and
forty minutes north latitude, and seventy-eight degrees and forty-five
minutes west longitude from London. Its situation is variable, owing to a
sandy foundation and the rapid flux and reflux of the sea. The channel
leading to George-town is twelve or thirteen feet deep, and likewise
those of North and South Edisto rivers, and will admit all ships that
draw not above ten or eleven feet of water. At Stono there is also a
large creek, which admits vessels of the same draught of water; but Sewee
and Santee rivers, and many others of less note, are for smaller craft
which draw seven, eight, or nine feet. The channel up to Port Royal
harbour is deep enough for the largest ships that sail on the sea; and
the whole royal navy of England may ride with safety in it. Nature has
evidently ordained this place for trade and commerce, by the many
advantages with which she hath favoured it. It lies in thirty-two degrees
and five minutes north latitude, and in longitude seventy-nine degrees
five minutes. Its situation renders it an excellent station for a
squadron of ships in time of war, as the run from it is short to the
windward islands, but especially as it lies so convenient for distressing
the immense trade coming through the Gulf of Florida. From this harbour
ships may run out to the Gulf stream in one day, and return with equal
ease the next, so that it would be very difficult to escape a sufficient
number of cruisers stationed at Beaufort. The harbour is also defended by
a small fort, built of tappy, which is a kind of cement composed of
oyster-shells beat small, and mixed with lime and water, which when dry
becomes hard and durable. The fort has two demi-bastions to the river,
and one bastion to the land, with a gate and ditch, mounting sixteen
heavy cannon, and containing barracks for an hundred men.

Several leagues to the southward of Port-Royal, Savanna river empties
itself into the ocean, which is also navigable for ships that draw not
above fourteen feet water. At the southern boundary of Georgia the great
river Alatamaha falls into the Atlantic sea, about sixteen leagues
north-east of Augustine, which lies in twenty-nine degrees fifty minutes.
This river admits ships of large burden as far as Frederica, a small town
built by General Oglethorpe, on an eminence in Simon's Island. The island
on the west end is washed by a branch of the river Alatamaha, before it
empties itself into the sea at Jekyl sound. At Frederica the river forms
a kind of bay. The fort General Oglethorpe erected here for the defence
of Georgia had several eighteen pounders mounted on it and commanded the
river both upwards and downwards. It was built of tappy, with four
bastions, surrounded by a quadrangular rampart, and a palisadoed ditch,
which included also the King's stores, and two large buildings of brick
and timber. The town was surrounded with a rampart, in the form of a
pentagon, with flankers of the same thickness with that at the fort, and
a dry ditch. On this rampart several pieces of ordnance were also
mounted. In this situation General Oglethorpe had pitched his camp, which
was divided into streets, distinguished by the names of the several
Captains of his regiment. Their little huts were built of wood, and
constructed for holding each four or five men. At some distance from
Frederica was the colony of Highlanders, situated on the same river, a
wild and intrepid race, living in a state of rural freedom and
independence. Their settlement being near the frontiers, afforded them
abundance of scope for the exercise of their warlike temper; and having
received one severe blow from the garrison at Augustine, they seemed to
long for an opportunity of revenging the massacre of their beloved
friends.

    [Sidenote] The Spaniards invade Georgia.

The time was fast approaching for giving them what they desired. For
although the territory granted by the second charter to the proprietors
at Carolina extended far to the south-west of the river Alatamaha, the
Spaniards had never relinquished their pretended claim to the province of
Georgia. Their ambassador at the British court had even declared that his
Catholic Majesty would as soon part with Madrid as his claim to that
territory. The squadron commanded by Admiral Vernon had for some time
occupied their attention in the West Indies so much, that they could
spare none of their forces to maintain their supposed right. But no
sooner had the greatest part of the British fleet left those seas, and
returned to England, than they immediately turned their eyes to Georgia,
and began to make preparations for dislodging the English settlers in
that province. Finding that threats could not terrify General Oglethorpe
to compliance with their demands, an armament was prepared at the Havanna
to go against him, and expel him by force of arms from their frontiers.
With this view two thousand forces, commanded by Don Antonio de Rodondo,
embarked at the Havanna, under the convoy of a strong squadron, and
arrived at Augustine in May 1742.

But before this formidable fleet and armament had reached Augustine, they
were observed by Captain Haymer, of the Flamborough man of war, who was
cruising on that coast; and advice was immediately sent to General
Oglethorpe of their arrival in Florida. Georgia now began to tremble in
her turn. The General sent intelligence to Governor Glen at Carolina,
requesting him to collect all the forces he could with the greatest
expedition, and send them to his assistance; and at the same time to
dispatch a sloop to the West Indies, to acquaint Admiral Vernon with the
intended invasion.

Carolina by this time had found great advantage from the settlement of
Georgia, which had proved an excellent barrier to that province, against
the incursions of Spaniards and Spanish Indians. The southern parts being
rendered secure by the regiment of General Oglethorpe in Georgia, the
lands backward of Port-Royal had become much in demand, and risen four
times their former value. But though the Carolineans were equally
interested with their neighbours in the defence of Georgia, having little
confidence in General Oglethorpe's military abilities, since his
unsuccessful expedition against Augustine, the planters, struck with
terror, especially those on the southern parts, deserted their
habitations, and flocked to Charlestown with their families and effects.
The inhabitants of Charlestown, many of whom being prejudiced against the
man, declared against sending him any assistance, and determined rather
to fortify their town, and stand upon their own grounds in a posture of
defence. In this resolution, however, it is plain they acted from bad
motives, in leaving that officer to stand alone against such a superior
force. At such an emergency, good policy evidently required the firmest
union, and the utmost exertion of the force of both colonies; for so soon
as General Oglethorpe should be crushed, the reduction of Georgia would
open to the common enemy an easy access into the bowels of Carolina, and
render the force of both provinces, thus divided, unequal to the public
defence.

In the mean time General Oglethorpe was making all possible preparations
at Frederica for a vigorous stand. Message after message was sent to his
Indian allies, who were greatly attached to him, and crowded to his camp.
A company of Highlanders joined him on the first notice; and seemed
joyful at the opportunity of retorting Spanish vengeance on their own
heads. With his regiment, and a few rangers, Highlanders, and Indians,
the General fixed his head quarters at Frederica, never doubting of a
reinforcement from Carolina, and expecting their arrival every day; but
in the mean time determined, in case he should be attacked, to sell his
life as dear as possible in defence of the province.

About the end of June, 1742, the Spanish fleet, amounting to thirty-two
sail; and carrying above three thousand men, under the command of Don
Manuel de Monteano, came to anchor off Simons's bar. Here they continued
for some time sounding the channel, and after finding a depth of water
sufficient to admit their ships, they came in with the tide of flood into
Jekyl sound. General Oglethorpe, who was at Simons's fort, fired at them
as they passed the sound, which the Spaniards returned from their ships,
and proceeded up the river Alatamaha, out of the reach of his guns. There
the enemy having hoisted a red flag at the mizen top-mast-head of the
largest ship, landed their forces upon the island, and erected a battery,
with twenty eighteen pounders mounted on it. Among their land forces they
had a fine company of artillery, under the command of Don Antonio de
Rodondo, and a regiment of negroes. The negro commanders were clothed in
lace, bore the same rank with white officers, and with equal freedom and
familiarity walked and conversed with their commander and chief. Such an
example might justly have alarmed Carolina. For should the enemy
penetrate into that province, where there were such numbers of negroes,
they would soon have acquired such a force, as must have rendered all
opposition fruitless and ineffectual.

General Oglethorpe having found that he could not stop the progress of
the enemy up the river, and judging his situation at Fort Simons too
dangerous, nailed up the guns, burst the bombs and coehorns, destroyed
the stores, and retreated to his head quarters at Frederica. So great was
the force of the enemy, that he plainly perceived that nothing remained
for him to achieve, with his handful of men, and therefore resolved to
use his utmost vigilance, and to act only on the defensive. On all sides
he sent out scouting parties to watch the motions of the Spaniards, while
the main body were employed in working at the fortifications, making them
as strong as circumstances would admit. Day and night he kept his Indian
allies ranging through the woods, to harass the outposts of the enemy,
who at length brought in five Spanish prisoners, who informed him of
their number and force, and that the Governor of Augustine was commander
in chief of the expedition. The General, still expecting a reinforcement
from Carolina, used all his address in planning measures for gaining
time, and preventing the garrison from sinking into despair. For this
purpose he sent out the Highland company also to assist the Indians, and
obstruct as much as possible the approach of the enemy till he should
obtain assistance and relief. His provisions for the garrison were
neither good nor plentiful, and his great distance from all settlements,
together with the enemy keeping the command of the river, cut off
entirely all prospects of a supply. To prolong the defence, however, he
concealed every discouraging circumstance from his little army, which,
besides Indians, did not amount to more than seven hundred men; and to
animate them to perseverance, exposed himself to the same hardships and
fatigues with the meanest soldier in his garrison.

    [Sidenote] A stratagem to get rid of the enemy.

While Oglethorpe remained in this situation, the enemy made several
attempts to pierce through the woods, with a view to attack the fort; but
met with such opposition from deep morasses, and dark thickets, lined
with fierce Indians, and wild Highlanders, that they honestly confessed
that the devil himself could not pass through them to Frederica. Don
Manuel de Monteano, however, had no other prospect left, and these
difficulties must either be surmounted, or the design dropt; and
therefore one party after another was sent out to explore the thickets,
and to take possession of every advantageous post to be found in them. In
two skirmishes with the Highlanders and Indians, the enemy had one
captain, and two lieutenants killed, with above one hundred men taken
prisoners. After which the Spanish commander changed his plan of
operations, and keeping his men under cover of his cannon, proceeded with
some gallies up the river with the tide of flood, to reconnoitre the
fort, and draw the General's attention to another quarter. To this place
Oglethorpe sent a party of Indians, with orders to lie in ambuscade in
the woods, and endeavour to prevent their landing. About the same time an
English prisoner escaped from the Spanish camp, and brought advice to
General Oglethorpe of a difference subsisting in it, in so much that the
forces from Cuba, and those from Augustine encamped in separate places.
Upon which the General resolved to attempt a surprise on one of the
Spanish camps, and taking the advantage of his knowledge of the woods,
marched out in the night with three hundred chosen men, the Highland
company, and some rangers. Having advanced within two miles of the
enemy's camp, he halted, and went forward with a small party to take a
view of the posture of the enemy. But while he wanted above all things to
conceal his approach, a Frenchman fired his musket, run off and alarmed
the enemy. Upon which Oglethorpe finding his design defeated, retreated
to Frederica, and being apprehensive that the deserter would discover his
weakness, began to study by what device he might most effectually defeat
the credit of his informations. For this purpose he wrote a letter,
addressing it to the deserter, in which he desired him to acquaint the
Spaniards with the defenceless state of Frederica, and how easy and
practicable it would be to cut him and his small garrison to pieces. He
begged him, as his spy, to bring them forward to the attack, and assure
them of success; but if he could not prevail with them to make that
attempt, to use all his art and influence to persuade them to stay at
least three days more at Fort Simons, for within that time, according to
the advice he had just received from Carolina, he would have a
reinforcement of two thousand land-forces, and six British ships of war,
with which he doubted not he would be able to give a good account of the
Spanish invaders. He intreated the deserter to urge them to stay, and
above all things cautioned him against mentioning a single word of Vernon
coming against Augustine, assuring him, that for such services he should
be amply rewarded by his Britannic Majesty. This letter he gave to one of
the Spanish prisoners, who for the sake of liberty and a small reward,
promised to deliver it to the French deserter; but, instead of that, as
Oglethorpe expected, he delivered it to the commander and chief of the
Spanish army.

    [Sidenote] The Spaniards retreat to Augustine.

Various were the speculations and conjectures which this letter
occasioned in the Spanish camp, and the commander, among others, was not
a little perplexed what to infer from it. In the first place he ordered
the French deserter to be put in irons, to prevent his escape, and then
called a council of war, to consider what was most proper to be done in
consequence of intelligence, so puzzling and alarming. Some officers were
of opinion, that the letter was intended to deceive, and to prevent them
from attacking Frederica; others thought that the things mentioned in it
appeared so feasible, that there were good grounds to believe, the
English General wished them to take place, and therefore gave their voice
for consulting the safety of Augustine, and dropping a plan of conquest
attended with so many difficulties, and which, in the issue, might
perhaps hazard the loss of both army and fleet, if not of the whole
province of Florida. While the Spanish leaders were employed in these
deliberations, and much embarrassed, fortunately three ships of force,
which the Governor of South Carolina had sent out, appeared at some
distance on the coast. This corresponding with the letter, convinced the
Spanish commander of its real intent, and struck such a panic into the
army, that they immediately set fire to their fort, and in great hurry
and confusion embarked, leaving behind them several cannon, and a
quantity of provisions and military stores. The wind being contrary, the
English ships could not, during that day, beat up to the mouth of the
river, and before next morning the invaders got past them, and escaped to
Augustine.

In this manner was the province of Georgia delivered, when brought to the
very brink of destruction by a formidable enemy. Fifteen days had Don
Manuel de Monteano been on the small island on which Frederica was
situated, without gaining the smallest advantage over an handful of men,
and in different skirmishes lost some of his bravest troops. What number
of men Oglethorpe lost we have not been able to learn, but it must have
been very inconsiderable. In this resolute defence of the country he
displayed both military skill and personal courage, and an equal degree
of praise was due to him from the Carolineans as from the Georgians. It
is not improbable that the Spaniards had Carolina chiefly in their eye,
and had meditated an attack where rich plunder could have been obtained,
and where, by an accession of slaves, they might have increased their
force in proportion to their progress. Never did the Carolineans make so
bad a figure in defence of their country. When union, activity and
dispatch were so requisite, they ingloriously stood at a distance, and
suffering private pique to prevail over public spirit, seemed determined
to risk the safety of their country, rather than General Oglethorpe, by
their help, should gain the smallest degree of honour and reputation.
Money, indeed, they voted for the service, and at length sent some ships,
but, by coming so late, they proved useful rather from the fortunate
co-operation of an accidental cause, than from the zeal and public spirit
of the people. The Georgians with justice blamed their more powerful
neighbours, who, by keeping at a distance in the day of danger, had
almost hazarded the loss of both provinces. Had the enemy pursued their
operations with vigour and courage, the province of Georgia must have
fallen a prey to the invaders, and Carolina had every thing to dread in
consequence of the conquest. Upon the return of the Spanish troops to the
Havanna, the commander was imprisoned, and ordered to take his trial for
his conduct during this expedition, the result of which proved so
shameful and ignominious to the Spanish arms. Though the enemy threatened
to renew the invasion, yet we do not find that after this repulse they
made any attempts by force of arms to gain possession of Georgia.

    [Sidenote] Ill treatment of General Oglethorpe.

The Carolineans having had little or no share of the glory gained by this
brave defence, were also divided in their opinions with respect to the
conduct of General Oglethorpe. While one party acknowledged his signal
services, and poured out the highest encomiums on his wisdom and courage;
another shamefully censured his conduct, and meanly detracted from his
merit. None took any notice of his services, except the inhabitants in
and about Port-Royal, who addressed him in the following manner: "We the
inhabitants of the southern parts of Carolina beg leave to congratulate
your Excellency on your late wonderful success over your and our
inveterate enemies the Spaniards, who so lately invaded Georgia, in such
a numerous and formidable body, to the great terror of his Majesty's
subjects in these southern parts. It was very certain, had the Spaniards
succeeded in those attempts against your Excellency, they would also have
entirely destroyed us, laid our province waste and desolate, and filled
our habitations with blood and slaughter; so that his Majesty must have
lost the fine and spacious harbour of Port-Royal, where the largest ships
of the British nation may remain in security on any occasion. We are very
sensible of the great protection and safety we have long enjoyed, by your
Excellency being to the southwards of us, and keeping your armed sloops
cruising on the coast, which has secured our trade and fortunes more than
all the ships of war ever stationed at Charlestown; but more by your late
resolution in frustrating the attempts of the Spaniards, when nothing
could have saved us from utter ruin, next to the Providence of Almighty
God, but your Excellency's singular conduct, and the bravery of the
troops under your command. We think it our duty to pray God to protect
your Excellency, and send you success in all your undertakings for his
Majesty's service; and we assure your Excellency, that there is not a man
of us but would most willingly have ventured his all, in support of your
Excellency and your gallant troops, had we been assisted, and put in a
condition to have been of service to you; and that we always looked upon
our interest to be so united to that of the colony of Georgia, that had
your Excellency been cut off, we must have fallen of course."

But while the inhabitants in and about Port-Royal were thus addressing
General Oglethorpe, reports were circulating in Charlestown to his
prejudice, insomuch that both his honour and honesty were called in
question. Such malicious rumours had even reached London, and occasioned
some of his bills to return to America protested. Lieutenant-Colonel
William Cook, who owed his preferment to the General's particular
friendship and generosity, and who, on pretence of sickness, had left
Georgia before this invasion, had filed no less than nineteen articles of
complaint against him, summoning several officers and soldiers from
Georgia to prove the charge. As the General had, in fact, stretched his
credit, exhausted his strength, and risqued his life for the defence of
Carolina in its frontier colony, such a recompence must have been equally
provoking, as it was unmerited. We are apt to believe, that such
injurious treatment could not have arisen from the wiser and better part
of the inhabitants, and therefore must be solely ascribed to some envious
and malicious spirits, who are to be found in all communities. Envy
cannot bear the blaze of superior virtue, and malice rejoices in the
stains which even falsehood throws on a distinguished character; and such
is the extensive freedom of the British form of government that every
one, even the meanest, may step forth as an enemy to great abilities and
an unblemished reputation. The charges of envy and malice, Oglethorpe
might have treated with contempt; but to vindicate himself against the
rude attacks of an inferior officer, he thought himself at this time
bound in honour to return to England.

    [Sidenote] His character cleared, and conduct vindicated.

Soon after his arrival a court-martial of general officers was called,
who sat two days at the Horse Guards, examining one by one the various
articles of complaint lodged against him. After the most mature
examination, the board adjudged the charge to be false, malicious, and
groundless, and reported the same to his Majesty. In consequence of which
Lieutenant-Colonel Cook was dismissed from the service, and declared
incapable of serving his Majesty in any military capacity whatever. By
this means the character of General Oglethorpe was divested of those dark
stains with which it had been overclouded, and began to appear to the
world in its true and favourable light. Carolina owed this benefactor her
friendship and love. Georgia was indebted to him for both her existence
and protection. Indeed his generous services for both colonies deserved
to be deeply imprinted on the memory of every inhabitant and the benefits
resulting from them to be remembered to the latest age with joy and
gratitude.

After this period General Oglethorpe never returned to the province of
Georgia, but upon all occasions discovered in England an uncommon zeal
for its prosperity and improvement. From its first settlement the colony
had hitherto been under a military government, executed by the General
and such officers as he thought proper to nominate and appoint. But now
the Trustees thought proper to establish a kind of civil government, and
committed the charge of it to a president and four assistants, who were
to act agreeable to the instructions they should receive from them, and
to be accountable to that corporation for their public conduct. William
Stephens was made chief magistrate, and Thomas Jones, Henry Parker, John
Fallowfield, and Samuel Mercer, were appointed assistants. They were
instructed to hold four general courts at Savanna every year, for
regulating public affairs, and determining all differences relating to
private property. No public money could be disposed of but by a warrant
under the seal of the President and major part of the Assistants in
council assembled, who were enjoined to send monthly accounts to England
of money expended, and of the particular services to which it was
applied. All officers of militia were continued, for the purpose of
holding musters, and keeping the men properly trained for military
services; and Oglethorpe's regiment was left in the colony for its
defence.

By this time the Trustees had transported to Georgia, at different times,
above one thousand five hundred men, women and children. As the colony
was intended as a barrier to Carolina, by their charter the Trustees were
at first laid under several restraints with respect to the method of
granting lands, as well as the settlers with respect to the terms of
holding and disposing of them. Now it was found expedient to relieve both
the former and latter from those foolish and impolitic restrictions.
Under the care of General Oglethorpe the infant province had surmounted
many difficulties, yet still it promised a poor recompense to Britain for
the vast sums of money expended for its protection. The indigent
emigrants, especially those from England, having little acquaintance with
husbandry, and less inclination to labour, made bad settlers; and as
greater privileges were allowed them on the Carolina side of the river,
they were easily decoyed away to that colony. The Highlanders and Germans
indeed, being more frugal and industrious, succeeded better, but hitherto
had made very small progress, owing partly to wars with the Spaniards,
and to severe hardships attending all kinds of culture in such an
unhealthy climate and woody country. The staple commodities intended to
be raised in Georgia were silk and wine, which were indeed very
profitable articles; but so small was the improvement made in them, that
they had hitherto turned out to little account. The most industrious and
successful settlers could as yet scarcely provide for their families, and
the unfortunate, the sick, and indolent part, remained in a starved and
miserable condition.

    [Sidenote] The Carolineans petition for three independent companies.

Soon after the departure of General Oglethorpe, the Carolineans
petitioned the King, praying that three independent companies, consisting
each of an hundred men, might be raised in the colonies, paid by Great
Britain, and stationed in Carolina, to be entirely under the command of
the Governor and Council of that province. This petition was referred to
the Lords of his Majesty's Privy-council, and a time appointed for
considering, whether the present state of Carolina was such as rendered
this additional charge to the nation proper and necessary. Two reasons
were assigned by the colonists for the necessity of this military force:
the first was, to preserve peace and security at home; the second, to
protect the colony against foreign invasions. They alledged, that as the
country was overstocked with negroes, such a military force was requisite
to overawe them, and prevent insurrections; and as the coast was so
extensive, and the ports lay exposed to every French and Spanish
plunderer that might at any time invade the province, their security
against such attempts was of the highest consequence to the nation. But
though they afterwards obtained some independent companies, those
reasons, at this time, did not appear to the Privy-council of weight
sufficient to induce them to give their advice for this military
establishment. It was their opinion, that it belonged to the provincial
legislature to make proper laws for limiting the importation of negroes,
and regulating and restraining them when imported; rather than put the
mother country to the expence of keeping a standing force in the province
to overawe them: that Georgia, and the Indians on the Apalachian hills,
were a barrier against foreign enemies on the western frontiers: that
Fort Johnson, and the fortifications in Charlestown, were a sufficient
protection for that port; besides, that as the entrance over the bar was
so difficult to strangers, before a foreign enemy could land five hundred
men in that town, half the militia in the province might be collected for
its defence. Georgetown and Port-Royal indeed were exposed, but the
inhabitants being both few in number and poor, it could not be worth the
pains and risque of a single privateer to look into those harbours. For
which reasons it was judged, that Carolina could be in little danger till
a foreign enemy had possession of Georgia; and therefore it was agreed to
maintain Oglethorpe's regiment in that settlement complete; and give
orders to the commandant to send detachments to the forts in James's
Island, Port-Royal, and such other places where their service might be
thought useful and necessary to the provincial safety and defence.

    [Sidenote] The colony's advantages from Britain.

Many are the advantages Carolina has derived from its political and
commercial connection with Britain. Its growing and flourishing state the
colony owes almost entirely to the mother-country, without the protection
and indulgence of which, the people had little or no encouragement to be
industrious. Britain first furnished a number of bold and enterprising
settlers, who carried with them the knowledge, arts, and improvements of
a civilized nation. This may be said to be the chief favour for which
Carolina stands indebted to the parent state during the proprietary
government. But since the province has been taken under the royal care,
it has been nursed and protected by a rich and powerful nation. Its
government has been stable, private property secure, and the privileges
and liberties of the people have been extensive. Lands the planters
obtained from the King at a cheap rate. To cultivate them the
mother-country furnished them with labourers upon credit. Each person had
entire liberty to manage his affairs for his own profit and advantage,
and having no tythes, and very trifling taxes to pay, reaped almost the
whole fruits of his industry. The best and most extensive market was
allowed to the commodities he produced, and his staples increased in
value in proportion to the quantity raised, and the demand for them in
Europe. All British manufactures he obtained at an easy rate, and
drawbacks were allowed on articles of foreign manufacture, that they
might be brought the cheaper to the American market. In consequence of
which frugal planters, every three or four years, doubled their capital,
and their progress towards independence and opulence was rapid. Indeed,
the colonists had many reasons for gratitude, and none for fear, except
what arose from their immoderate haste to be rich, and from purchasing
such numbers of slaves, as exposed them to danger and destruction.

The plan of settling townships, especially as it came accompanied with
the royal bounty, had proved beneficial in many respects. It encouraged
multitudes of poor oppressed people in Ireland, Holland and Germany to
emigrate, by which means the province received a number of frugal and
industrious settlers. As many of them came from manufacturing towns in
Europe, it might have been expected that they would naturally have
pursued those occupations to which they had been bred, and in which their
chief skill consisted. But this was by no means the case; for, excepting
a few of them that took up their residence in Charlestown, they procured
lands, applied to pasturage and agriculture, and by raising hemp, wheat
and maize in the interior parts of the country, and curing hams, bacon,
and beef, they supplied the market with abundance of provision, while at
the same time they found that they had taken the shortest way of arriving
at easy and independent circumstances.

    [Sidenote] Its advantage and importance to Britain.

Indeed while such vast territories in Carolina remained unoccupied, it
was neither for the interest of the province, nor that of the
mother-country, to employ any hands in manufactures. So long as labour
bestowed on lands was most profitable, no prudent colonist would direct
his attention or strength to any other employment, especially as the
mother-country could supply him with all kinds of manufactures at a much
cheaper rate than he could make them. The surplus part of British
commodities and manufactures for which there was no vent in Britain,
found in Carolina a good market, and in return brought the English
merchant such articles as were in demand at home, by which means the
advantages were mutual and reciprocal. The exclusive privilege of
supplying this market encouraged labour in England, and augmented the
annual income of the nation. From the monopoly of this trade with
America, which was always increasing, Britain derived many substantial
advantages. These colonies consumed all her superfluities which lay upon
hand, and enlarged her commerce, which, without such a market, must have
been confined to its ancient narrow channel. In the year 1744, two
hundred and thirty vessels were loaded at the port of Charlestown, so
that the national value of the province was not only considerable in
respect of the large quantity of goods it consumed, but also in respect
to the naval strength it promoted. Fifteen hundred seamen at least found
employment in the trade of this province, and, besides other advantages,
the profits of freight must make a considerable addition to the account
in favour of Britain.

Nor is there the smallest reason to expect that manufactures will be
encouraged in Carolina, while landed property can be obtained on such
easy terms. The cooper, the carpenter, the brick-layer, the shipbuilder,
and every other artificer and tradesman, after having laboured for a few
years at their respective employments, and purchased a few negroes,
commonly retreat to the country, and settle tracts of uncultivated land.
While they labour at their trades, they find themselves dependent on
their employers; this is one reason for their wishing at least to be
their own masters; and though the wages allowed them are high, yet the
means of subsistence in towns are also dear, and therefore they long to
be in the same situation with their neighbours, who derive an easy
subsistence from a plantation, which they cultivate at pleasure, and are
answerable to no master for their conduct. Even the merchant becomes
weary of attending the store, and risking his flock on the stormy seas,
or in the hands of men where it is often exposed to equal hazards, and
therefore collects it as soon as possible, and settles a plantation. Upon
this plantation he sets himself down, and being both landlord and farmer,
immediately finds himself an independent man. Having his capital in lands
and negroes around him, and his affairs collected within a narrow circle,
he can manage and improve them as he thinks fit. He soon obtains plenty
of the necessaries of life from his plantation; nor need he want any of
its conveniencies and luxuries. The greatest difficulties he has to
surmount arise from the marshy soil, and unhealthy climate, which often
cut men off in the midst of their days. Indeed in this respect Carolina
is the reverse of most countries in Europe, where the rural life, when
compared with that of the town, is commonly healthy and delightful.




CHAP. IX.


    [Sidenote] All commotions and oppressions in Europe favourable to
    America.

The war between England and France still raged in Europe, and being
carried on under many disadvantages on the side of the allied army, was
almost as unsuccessful as their enemies could have desired. The battle of
Fontenoy was obstinate and bloody, and many thousands were left on the
field on the side of the vanquished. The victorious army had little
reason for boasting, having likewise bought their victory very dear.
Though bad success attended the British arms on the continent at this
time, yet that evil being considered as remote, the people seemed only to
feel it as affecting the honour of the nation, which by some fortunate
change might retrieve the glory of its arms; but a plot of a more
interesting nature was discovered, which added greatly to the national
perplexity and distress. A civil war broke out within the bowels of the
kingdom, the object of which was nothing less than the recovery of the
British crown from the house of Brunswick. Charles Edward Stuart, the
young pretender, stimulated by the fire of youth, encouraged by the
deceitful promises of France, and invited by a discontented party of the
Scotch nation, had landed in North Britain to head the rash enterprise.
Multitudes of bold and deluded Highlanders, and several Lowlanders, who
owed their misfortunes to their firm adherence to that family, joined his
army. He became formidable both by the numbers that followed him, and the
success that at first attended his arms. But at length, after having
struck a terror into the nation, he was routed at Culloden field, and his
party were either dispersed, or made prisoners of war.

What to make of the prisoners of war became a matter of public
deliberation. To punish all, without distinction, would have been
unjustifiable cruelty in any government, especially where so many were
young, ignorant, and misled: to pardon all, on the other hand, would
discover unreasonable weakness, and dangerous lenity. The prisoners had
nothing to plead but the clemency of the King, and the tenderness of the
British constitution. Examples of justice were necessary to deter men
from the like attempts; but it was agreed to temper justice with mercy,
in order to convince the nation of the gentleness of that constitution,
which made not only a distinction between the innocent and guilty, but
even among the guilty themselves, between those who were more, and those
who were less criminal. The King ordered a general pardon to pass the
Great Seal, in which he extended mercy to the ignorant, and misled among
the rebels, which pardon comprehended nineteen out of twenty, who drew
lots for this purpose, were exempted from trial, and transported to the
British plantations. Among other settlements in America, the southern
provinces had a share of these bold and hardy Caledonians, who afterwards
proved excellent and industrious settlers.

As every family of labourers is an acquisition to a growing colony, such
as Carolina, where lands are plenty, and hands only wanted to improve
them; to encourage emigration, a door was opened there to Protestants of
every nation. The poor and distressed subjects of the British dominions,
and those of Germany and Holland, were easily induced to leave
oppression, and transport themselves and families to that province. Lands
free of quit-rents, for the first ten years, were allotted to men, women,
and children. Utensils for cultivation, and hogs and cows to begin their
stock, they purchased with their bounty-money. The like bounty was
allowed to all servants after the expiration of the term of their
servitude. From this period Carolina was found to be an excellent refuge
to the poor, the unfortunate, and oppressed. The population and
prosperity of her colonies engrossed the attention of the mother-country.
His Majesty's bounty served to alleviate the hardships inseparable from
the first years of cultivation, and landed property animated the poor
emigrants to industry and perseverance. The different townships yearly
increased in numbers. Every one upon his arrival obtained his grant of
land, and sat down on his freehold with no taxes, or very trifling ones,
no tythes, no poor rates, with full liberty of hunting and fishing, and
many other advantages and privileges he never knew in Europe. It is true
the unhealthiness of the climate was a great bar to his progress, and
proved fatal to many of these first settlers; but to such as surmounted
this obstacle, every year brought new profits, and opened more
advantageous prospects. All who escaped the dangers of the climate, if
they could not be called rich during their own life, by improving their
little freeholds, they commonly left their children in easy or opulent
circumstances. Even in the first age being free, contented, and
accountable to man for their labour and management, their condition in
many respects was preferable to that of the poorest class of labourers in
Europe. In all improved countries, where commerce and manufactures have
been long established, and luxury prevails, the poorest ranks of citizens
are always oppressed and miserable. Indeed this must necessarily be the
case, otherwise trade and manufactures, which flourish principally by the
low price of labour and provisions, must decay. In Carolina, though
exposed to more troubles and hardships for a few years, such industrious
people had better opportunities than in Europe for advancing to an easy
and independent state. Hence it happened that few emigrants ever returned
to their native country; on the contrary, the success and prosperity of
the most fortunate, brought many adventurers and relations after them.
Their love to their former friends, and their natural partiality for
their countrymen, induced the old planters to receive the new settlers
joyfully, and even to assist and relieve them. Having each his own
property and possession, this independence produced mutual respect and
beneficence, and such general harmony and industry reigned among them,
that those townships, formerly a desolate wilderness, now stocked with
diligent labourers, promised soon to become fruitful fields.

    [Sidenote] Cultivation attended with salutary effects.

It has been observed, that in proportion as the lands have been cleared
and improved, and scope given for a more free circulation of air, the
climate has likewise become more salubrious and pleasant. This change was
more remarkable in the heart of the country than in the maritime parts,
where the best plantations of rice are, and where water is carefully
preserved to overflow the fields; yet even in those places cultivation
has been attended with salutary effects. Time and experience had now
taught the planters, that, during the autumnal months, their living among
the low rice plantations subjected them to many disorders, from which the
inhabitants of the capital were entirely exempted. This induced the
richer part to retreat to town during this unhealthy season. Those who
were less able to bear the expences of this retreat, and had learned to
guard against the inconveniencies of the climate, sometimes escaped; but
laborious strangers suffered much during these autumnal months.
Accustomed as they were in Europe to toil through the heat of the day,
and expose themselves in all weathers, they followed the same practices
in Carolina, where the climate would by no means admit of such liberties.
Apprehensive of no ill consequences from such exposure, they began their
improvement with vigour and resolution, and persevered until the hot
climate and heavy toil exhausted their spirits, and brought home to them
the unwelcome intimations of danger.

    [Sidenote] Mean heat in Carolina.

In the months of July, August, and September, the heat in the shaded air,
from noon to three o'clock, is often between ninety and an hundred
degrees; and as such extreme heat is of short duration, being commonly
productive of thunder-showers, it becomes on that account the more
dangerous. I have seen the mercury in Fahrenheit's thermometer arise in
the shade to ninety-six in the hottest, and fall to sixteen in the
coolest season of the year; others have observed it as high as an
hundred, and as low as ten; which range between the extreme heat of
summer and cold in winter is prodigious, and must have a great effect
upon the constitution of all, even of those who are best guarded against
the climate; what then must be the situation of such as are exposed to
the open air and burning sky in all seasons? The mean diurnal heat of the
different seasons has been, upon the most careful observation, fixed at
sixty-four in spring, seventy-nine in summer, seventy-two in autumn, and
fifty-two in winter; and the mean nocturnal heat in those seasons at
fifty-six degrees in spring, seventy-five in summer, sixty-eight in
autumn, and forty-six in winter.

    [Sidenote] The diseases of the country.

As this climate differs so much from that of Britain, Ireland, and
Germany, and every where has great influence on the human constitution,
no wonder that many of these settlers should sicken and die by the
change, during the first state of colonization. In the hot season the
human body is relaxed by perpetual perspiration, and becomes feeble and
sickly, especially during the dog-days, when the air is one while
suffocating and sultry, and another moist and foggy. Exhausted of fluids,
it is perhaps not at all, or very improperly, supplied. Hence
intermittent, nervous, putrid and bilious fevers, are common in the
country, and prove fatal to many of its inhabitants. Young children are
very subject to the worm-fever, which cuts off multitudes of them. The
dry belly-ache, which is a dreadful disorder, is no stranger to the
climate. An irruption, commonly called the Prickly Heat, often breaks out
during the summer, which is attended with troublesome itching and
stinging pains; but this disease being common, and not dangerous, is
little regarded; and if proper caution be used to prevent it from
striking suddenly inward, is thought to be attended even with salutary
effects. In the spring and winter pleurisies and peripneumonies are
common, often obstinate, and frequently fatal diseases. So changeable is
the weather, that the spirits in the thermometer will often rise or fall
twenty, twenty-five, and thirty degrees, in the space of twenty four
hours, which must make havock of the human constitution. In autumn there
is sometimes a difference of twenty degrees between the heat of the day
and that of the night, and in winter a greater difference between the
heat of the morning and that of noon-day. We leave it to physicians more
particularly to describe the various disorders incident to this climate,
together with the causes of them; but if violent heat and continual
perspiration in summer, noxious vapours and sudden changes in autumn,
piercing cold nights, and hot noon-days in winter, affect the human
constitution, the inhabitants of Carolina, especially in the maritime
parts, have all these and many more changes and hardships during the year
to undergo. Not only man, but every animal, is strongly affected by the
sultry heat of summer. Horses and cows retire to the shade, and there,
though harassed with insects, they stand and profusely sweat through the
violence of the day. Hogs and dogs are also much distressed with it.
Poultry and wild fowls droop their wings, hang out their tongues, and,
with open throats, pant for breath. The planter who consults his health
is not only cautious in his dress and diet, but rises early for the
business of the field, and transacts it before ten o'clock, and then
retreats to the house or shade during the melting heat of the day, until
the coolness of the evening again invites him to the field. Such is his
feebleness of body and languor of spirit at noon, that the greatest
pleasure of life consists in being entirely at rest. Even during the
night he is often restless and depressed, insomuch that refreshing sleep
is kept a stranger to his eyes. If unfortunately the poor labourer is
taken sick in such weather, perhaps far removed from, or unable to
employ, a physician, how great must be his hazard. In towns this heat is
still rendered more intolerable by the glowing reflection from houses,
and the burning sand in the streets. But how it is possible for cooks,
blacksmiths, and other tradesmen, to work at the side of a fire, as many
in the province do during such a season, we must leave to the world to
judge.

    [Sidenote] Climate favourable to the culture of indigo.

This hot weather, however, has been found favourable to the culture of
indigo, which at this time was introduced into Carolina, and has since
proved one of its chief articles of commerce. About the year 1745 a
fortunate discovery was made, that this plant grew spontaneously in the
province, and was found almost every where among the wild weeds of the
forest. As the soil naturally yielded a weed which furnished the world
with so useful and valuable a dye, it loudly called for cultivation and
improvement. For this purpose some indigo seed was imported from the
French West Indies, where it had been cultivated with great success, and
yielded the planters immense profit. At first the seed was planted by way
of experiment, and it was found to answer the most sanguine expectations.
In consequence of which several planters turned their attention to the
culture of indigo and studied the art of extracting the dye from it.
Every trial brought them fresh encouragement. In the year 1747 a
considerable quantity of it was sent to England, which induced the
merchants trading to Carolina to petition parliament for a bounty on
Carolina indigo. The parliament, upon examination, found that it was one
of the most beneficial articles of French commerce, that their West India
islands supplied all the markets of Europe; and that Britain alone
consumed annually six hundred thousand weight of French indigo, which, at
five shillings a pound, cost the nation the prodigious sum of one hundred
and fifty thousand pounds sterling. It was demonstrated by the merchants,
that this vast expence might be saved, by encouraging the cultivation of
indigo in Carolina, and commonly believed that in time the colony might
bring it to such perfection, as to rival the French at the markets of
Europe. This petition of the merchants was soon followed by another from
the planters and inhabitants of Carolina, and others to the same effect
from the clothiers, dyers, and traders of different towns in Britain. It
was proved, that the demand for indigo annually increased, and it could
never he expected that the planters in the West Indies would turn their
hands to it, while the culture of sugar canes proved more profitable.
Accordingly, an act of parliament passed, about the beginning of the year
1748, for allowing a bounty of sixpence _per_ pound on all indigo raised
in the British American plantations, and imported directly into Britain
from the place of its growth. In consequence of which act the planters
applied themselves with double vigour and spirit to that article, and
seemed to vie with each other who should bring the best kind and greatest
quantity of it to the market. Some years indeed elapsed before they
learned the nice art of making it as well as the French, whom long
practice and experience had taught it to perfection; but every year they
acquired greater skill and knowledge in preparing it, and received
incredible profit as the reward of their labours. While many of them
doubled their capital every three or four years by planting indigo, they
in process of time brought it to such a degree of perfection, as not only
to supply the mother-country, but also to undersel the French at several
European markets.

    [Sidenote] The manner of cultivating and making indigo.

Here it may not be improper to give the reader some account of the manner
in which the people of Carolina cultivate this plant, and extract the dye
from it. As we pretend to little knowledge of this matter ourselves, we
shall give the following rules and directions of an ingenious person, who
practised them for several years with great success. "As both the
quantity and quality of indigo greatly depend on the cultivation of the
plant, it is proper to observe, that it seems to thrive best in a rich,
light soil, unmixed with clay or sand. The ground to be planted should be
plowed, or turned up with hoes, some time in December, that the frost may
render it rich and mellow. It must also be well harrowed, and cleansed
from all grass, roots, and stumps of trees, to facilitate the hoeing
after the weed appears above ground. The next thing to be considered is
the choice of the seed, in which the planters should be very nice; there
is great variety of it, and from every sort good indigo may be made; but
none answers so well in this colony as the true Guatimala, which if good
is a small oblong black seed, very bright and full, and when rubbed in
the hand will appear as if finely polished.

"In Carolina we generally begin to plant about the beginning of April, in
the following manner: The ground being well prepared, furrows are made
with a drill-plow, or hoe, two inches deep, and eighteen inches distant
from each other, to receive the seed, which is sown regularly, and not
very thick, after which it is lightly covered with earth. A bushel of
seed will sow four English acres. If the weather proves warm and serene,
the plant will appear above ground in ten or four-teen days. After the
plant appears, the ground, though not grassy, should be hoed to loosen
the earth about it, which otherwise would much hinder its growth. In good
seasons it grows very fast, and must all the while be kept perfectly
clean of weeds. Whenever the plant is in full bloom it must be cut down,
without paying any regard to its height, as its leaves are then thick and
full of juice, and this commonly happens in about four months after
planting. But, previous to the season for cutting, a complete set of vats
of the following dimensions, for every twenty acres of weed, must be
provided, and kept in good order. The steeper or vat in which the weed is
first put to ferment, must be sixteen feet square in the clear, and two
and a half feet deep; the second vat or battery twelve feet long, ten
feet wide, and four and a half feet deep from the top of the plate. These
vats should be made of the best cypress or yellow-pine plank, two and a
half inches thick, well fastened to the joints and studs with seven-inch
spikes, and then caulked, to prevent their leaking. Vats thus made will
last in Carolina, notwithstanding the excessive heat, at least seven
years. When every thing is ready, the weed must be cut and laid regularly
in the steeper with the stalk upward, which will hasten the fermentation;
then long rails must be laid the length of the vat, at eighteen inches
distance from one another, and wedged down to the weed, to prevent its
buoying up when the water is pumped into the steeper. For this purpose
the softest water answers best, and the quantity of it necessary must be
just sufficient to cover all the weed. In this situation it is left to
ferment, which will begin sooner or later in proportion to the heat of
the weather, and the ripeness of the plant, but for the most part takes
twelve or fifteen hours. After the water is loaded with the salts and
substance of the weed, it must be let out of the steeper into the
battery, there to be beat; in order to perform which operation, many
different machines have been invented: but for this purpose any
instrument that will agitate the water with great violence may be used.
When the water has been violently agitated for fifteen or twenty minutes
in the battery, by taking a little of the liquor up in a plate it will
appear full of small grain or curdled; then you are to let in a quantity
of lime-water kept in a vat for the purpose, to augment and precipitate
the faeculae, still continuing to stir and beat vehemently the indigo
water, till it becomes of a strong purple colour, and the grain hardly
perceptible. Then it must be left to settle, which it will do in eight or
ten hours. After which the water must be gently drawn out of the battery
through plug-holes contrived for that purpose, so that the faeculae may
remain at the bottom of the vat. It must then be taken up, and carefully
strained through a horse-hair sieve, to render the indigo perfectly
clean, and put into bags made of Osnaburghs, eighteen inches long, and
twelve wide, and suspended for six hours, to drain the water out of it.
After which the mouths of these bags being well fastened, it must be put
into a press to be entirely freed from any remains of water, which would
otherwise greatly hurt the quality of the indigo. The press commonly used
for this purpose is a box of five feet in length, two and a half wide,
and two deep, with holes at one end to let out the water. In this box the
bags must be laid, one upon another, until it is full, upon which a plank
must be laid, fitted to go within the box, and upon all a sufficient
number of weights to squeeze out the water entirely by a constant and
gradual pressure, so that the indigo may become a fine stiff paste; which
is then taken out and cut into small pieces, each about two inches
square, and laid out to dry. A house made of logs must be prepared on
purpose for drying it, and so constructed that it may receive all the
advantages of an open and free air, without being exposed to the sun,
which is very pernicious to the dye. For here indigo placed in the sun,
in a few hours will be burnt up to a perfect cinder. While the indigo
remains in the drying house, it must be carefully turned three or four
times in a day, to prevent its rotting. Flies should likewise be
carefully kept from it, which at this season of the year are hatched in
millions, and infest an indigo plantation like a plague. After all, great
care must also be taken, that the indigo be sufficiently dry before it is
packed, lest after it is headed up in barrels it should sweat, which will
certainly spoil and rot it."

In this manner indigo is cultivated and prepared in Carolina, and the
richest land in the heart of the country is found to answer best for it.
The maritime islands, however, which are commonly sandy, are not
unfavourable for this production, especially those that contain spots of
land covered with oak, and hickory trees. It is one of those rank weeds
which in a few years will exhaust the strength and fertility of the best
lands in the world. It is commonly cut in the West Indies six and seven
times in the year, but in Carolina no more than two or three times before
the frost begins. Our planters have been blamed by the English merchants
for paying too much attention to the quantity, and too little to the
quality of their indigo, hence the West-India indigo brings an higher
price at the market. He that prefers the quality to the quantity, is very
careful to cut the plant at the proper season, that is, when the weed
begins to bloom; for the more luxuriant and tender the plant, the more
beautiful the indigo. While it is curing, indigo has an offensive and
disagreeable smell, and as the dregs of the weed are full of salts, and
make excellent manure, therefore they should be immediately buried under
ground when brought out of the steeper. It is commonly observed, that all
creatures about an indigo plantation are starved, whereas, about a rice
one, which abounds with provisions for man and beast, they thrive and
flourish. The season for making indigo in Carolina ends with the first
frosty weather, which puts a stop to fermentation, and then double labour
is not only requisite for beating it, but when prepared it is commonly
good for nothing.

    [Sidenote] The common methods of judging of its quality.

The planters bring their indigo to market about the end of the year, and
frequently earlier. The merchant judges of its quality by breaking it,
and observing the closeness of its grain, and its brilliant copper, or
violet blue colour. The weight in some measure proves its quality, for
heavy indigo of every colour is always bad. Good indigo almost entirely
consumes away in the fire, the bad leaves a quantity of ashes. In water
also pure and fine indigo entirely melts and dissolves, but the
heterogeneous and solid parts of the bad sink to the bottom like sand.
From this period it became a staple to Carolina, and proved equally
profitable as the mines of Mexico or Peru. To the mother country it was
no less beneficial, in excluding the French indigo entirely from her
market, and promoting her manufactures, and trade. I shall afterwards
take notice of the rapid progress made in the cultivation of this
article; particularly with respect to the quantity produced and yearly
shipped to Britain, to supply the markets in Europe.

    [Sidenote] Nova Scotia settled.

The great bounty and indulgence of Britain towards her American colonies
increased with their progress in cultivation, and favour after favour was
extended to them. Filled with the prospect of opening an excellent market
for her manufactures, and enlarging her commerce and navigation, in which
her strength in a great measure consisted, these colonies were become the
chief objects of her care, and new ones were planted for the protection
of the old. At this time the peace of Aix la Chapelle left a number of
brave sailors and soldiers without employment. Good policy required that
they should be rendered useful to the nation, and at the same time
furnished with employment for their own subsistence. Acadia, which was
ceded to Britain by the treaty of peace, changed its name to Nova Scotia,
and was capable of producing every species of naval stores. The sea there
abounded with excellent fish, which might furnish employment for a number
of sailors, and be made an useful and advantageous branch of trade. But
the excellent natural harbours which the country afforded, of all other
things proved the greatest inducement for establishing a colony in it,
the possession of which would not only promote trade in the time of
peace, but also prove a safe station for British fleets in time of war.
Besides, for the sake of commercial advantage, it was judged proper to
confine the settlements in America as much as possible to the sea-coast.
The parliament therefore determined to send out a colony to Nova Scotia,
and, to forward the settlement, voted forty thousand pounds. The
following advantageous terms were held forth to the people by government,
and a number of adventurers agreed to accept them. Fifty acres of land
were to be allowed to every soldier and sailor, two hundred to every
ensign, three hundred to every lieutenant, four hundred and sixty to
every captain, and six hundred to all officers of higher rank; together
with thirty for every servant they should carry along with them. No
quit-rents were to be demanded for the first ten years. They were also to
be furnished with instruments for fishing and agriculture, to have their
passage free, and provisions found them for the first year after their
arrival. Three thousand seven hundred and sixty adventurers embarked for
America on these favourable terms, and settled at Halifax, which place
was fixed on as the seat of government, and fortified. The Acadians, the
former inhabitants of the country, were allowed peaceably to remain in
it, and having sworn never to bear arms against their countrymen,
submitted to the English government, and passed under the denomination of
French neutrals. The greatest difficulty which the new settlers of Nova
Scotia had to surmount at this time arose from the Micmac Indians, who
held that territory from nature, and for some time obstinately defended
their right to their ancient possessions; and it was not without
considerable loss that the British subjects at length, by force of arms,
drove them away from those territories.

    [Sidenote] The great care of Britain for these colonies.

Nor did this new settlement engross the whole attention and liberality of
the parent state; the province of Georgia also every year shared
plentifully from the same hands. Indeed the bounty of the mother country
was extensive as her dominions, and, like the sun, cherished and
invigorated every object on which it shone. All the colonies might have
been sensible of her constant attention to their safety and prosperity,
and had great reason to acknowledge themselves under the strongest
obligations to her goodness. If she expected a future recompense by the
channel of commerce, which is for the most part mutually advantageous, it
was no more than she had justly merited. The colonists, we allow, carried
with them the rights and liberties of the subjects of Britain, and they
owed in return the duties of obedience to her laws and subjection to her
government. The privileges and duties of subjects in all states have been
reciprocal, and as the mother country had incurred great expence for the
establishment and support of these foreign settlements; as she had
multiplied her burdens for their defence and improvement; surely such
protection and kindness laid a foundation for the firmest union, and the
most dutiful returns of allegiance and gratitude.

    [Sidenote] Low state of Georgia.

However, the province of Georgia, notwithstanding all that Britain had
done for its population and improvement, still remained in a poor and
languishing condition. Its settlers consisted of two sorts of people;
first, of indigent subjects and foreigners, whom the Trustees transported
and maintained; secondly, of men of some substance, whom flattering
descriptions of the province had induced voluntarily to emigrate to it.
After the peace Oglethorpe's regiment being disbanded, a number of
soldiers accepted the encouragement offered them by government, and took
up their residence in Georgia. All those adventurers who had brought some
substance along with them, having by this time exhausted their small
stock in fruitless experiments, were reduced to indigence, so that
emigrants from Britain, foreigners, and soldiers, were all on a level in
point of poverty. From the impolitic restrictions of the Trustees, these
settlers had no prospects during life but those of hardship and poverty,
and of consequence, at their decease, of bequeathing a number of orphans
to the care of Providence. Nor was the trade of the province in a better
situation than its agriculture. The want of credit was an unsurmountable
obstacle to its progress in every respect. Formerly the inhabitants in
and about Savanna had transmitted to the Trustees a representation of
their grievous circumstances, and obtained from them some partial relief.
But now, chagrined with disappointments, and dispirited by the severities
of the climate, they could view the design of the Trustees in no other
light than that of having decoyed them into misery. Even though they had
been favoured with credit, and had proved successful, which was far from
being their case; as the tenure of their freehold was restricted to heirs
male, their eldest son could only reap the benefit of their toil, and the
rest must depend on his bounty, or be left wholly to the charge of that
Being who feeds the fowls of the air. They considered their younger
children and daughters as equally entitled to paternal regard, and could
not brook their holding lands under such a tenure, as excluded them from
the rights and privileges of other colonists. They saw numbers daily
leaving the province through mere necessity, and frankly told the
Trustees, that nothing could prevent it from being totally deserted, but
the same encouragements with their more fortunate neighbours in Carolina.

[Sidenote: Complaint of the people.]

That the Trustees might have a just view of their condition, the
Georgians stated before them their grievances, and renewed their
application for redress. They judged that the British constitution,
zealous for the rights and liberties of mankind, could not permit
subjects who had voluntarily risked their lives, and spent their
substance on the public faith, to effect a settlement in the most
dangerous frontiers of the British empire, to be deprived of the common
privileges of all colonists. They complained that the land-holders in
Georgia were prohibited from selling or leasing their possessions; that a
tract containing fifty acres of the best lands was too small an allowance
for the maintenance of a family, and much more so when they were refused
the freedom to chuse it; that a much higher quit-rent was exacted from
them than was paid for the best lands in America; that the importation of
negroes was prohibited, and white people were utterly unequal to the
labours requisite; that the public money granted yearly by parliament,
for the relief of settlers and the improvement of the province, was
misapplied, and therefore the wise purposes for which it was granted were
by no means answered. That these inconveniencies and hardships kept them
in a state of poverty and misery, and that the chief cause of all their
calamities was the strict adherence of the Trustees to their chimerical
and impracticable scheme of settlement, by which the people were refused
the obvious means of subsistence, and cut off from all prospects of
success.

We have already observed, that the laws and regulations even of the
wisest men, founded on principles of speculation, have often proved to be
foreign and impracticable. The Trustees had an example of this in the
fundamental constitutions of John Locke. Instead of prescribing narrower
limits to the industry and ambition of the Georgians, they ought to have
learned wisdom from the case of the Proprietors of Carolina, and enlarged
their plan with respect to both liberty and property. By such indulgence
alone they could encourage emigrations, and animate the inhabitants to
diligence and perseverance. The lands in Georgia, especially such as were
first occupied, were sandy and barren; the hardships of clearing and
cultivating them were great, the climate was unfavourable for labourers,
and dangerous to European constitutions. The greater the difficulties
were with which the settlers had to struggle, the more encouragement was
requisite to surmount them. The plan of settlement ought to have arisen
from the nature of the climate, country, and soil, and the circumstances
of the settlers, and been the result of experience and not of
speculation.

Hitherto Georgia had not only made small improvement in agriculture and
trade, but her government was feeble and contemptible. At this time, by
the avarice and ambition of a single family, the whole colony was brought
to the very brink of destruction. As the concerns of these settlements
are closely connected and interwoven with the affairs of Indian nations,
it is impossible to attain proper views of the circumstances and
situation of the people, without frequently taking notice of the relation
in which they stood to their savage neighbours. A considerable branch of
provincial commerce, as well as the safety of the colonists, depended on
their friendship with Indians; and, to avoid all danger from their savage
temper, no small share of prudence and courage was often requisite. This
will appear more obvious from the following occurrence, which, because it
is somewhat remarkable, we shall the more circumstantially relate.

    [Sidenote] Troubles excited by Thomas Bosomworth.

I have already observed, that during the time General Oglethorpe had the
direction of public affairs in Georgia, he had, from maxims of policy,
treated an Indian woman, called Mary, with particular kindness and
generosity. Finding that she had great influence among the Creeks, and
understood their language, he made use of her as an interpreter, in order
the more easily to form treaties of alliance with them, allowing her for
her services an hundred pounds sterling a-year. This woman Thomas
Bosomworth, who was chaplain to Oglethorpe's regiment, had married, and
among the rest had accepted a track of land from the crown, and settled
in the province. Finding that his wife laid claim to some islands on the
sea-coast, which, by treaty, had been allotted the Indians as part of
their hunting lands; to stock them he had purchased cattle from the
planters of Carolina, from whom he obtained credit to a considerable
amount. However, this plan not proving so successful as the proud and
ambitious clergyman expected, he took to audacious methods of supporting
his credit, and acquiring a fortune. His wife pretended to be descended
in a maternal line from an Indian king, who held from nature the
territories of the Creeks, and Bosomworth now persuaded her to assert her
right to them, as superior not only to that of the Trustees, but also to
that of the King. Accordingly Mary immediately assumed the title of an
independent empress, disavowing all subjection or allegiance to the King
of Great Britain, otherwise than by way of treaty and alliance, such as
one independent sovereign might make with another. A meeting of all the
Creeks was summoned, to whom Mary made a speech, setting forth the
justice of her claim, and the great injury done to her and them by taking
possession of their ancient territories, and stirring them up to defend
their property by force of arms. The Indians immediately took fire, and
to a man declared they would stand by her to the last drop of their blood
in defence of their lands. In consequence of which Mary, with a large
body of savages at her back, set out for Savanna, to demand a formal
surrender of them from the president of the province. A messenger was
despatched before hand, to acquaint him that Mary had assumed her right
of sovereignty over the whole territories of the upper and lower Creeks,
and to demand that all lands belonging to them be instantly relinquished;
for as she was the hereditary and rightful queen of both nations, and
could command every man of them to follow her, in case of refusal, she
had determined to extirpate the settlement.

The president and council, alarmed at her high pretensions and bold
threats, and sensible of her great power and influence with the savages,
were not a little embarrassed what steps to take for the public safety.
They determined to use soft and healing measures until an opportunity
might offer of privately laying hold of her, and shipping her off to
England. But, in the mean time, orders were sent to all the captains of
the militia, to hold themselves in readiness to march to Savanna at an
hour's warning. The town was put in the best posture of defence, but the
whole militia in it amounted to no more than one hundred and seventy men,
able to bear arms. A messenger was sent to Mary at the head of the
Creeks, while several miles distant from town, to know whether she was
serious in such wild pretensions, and to try to persuade her to dismiss
her followers, and drop her audacious design. But finding her inflexible
and resolute, the president resolved to put on a bold countenance, and
receive the savages with firmness and resolution. The militia was ordered
under arms, to overawe them as much as possible, and as the Indians
entered the town, Captain Jones, at the head of his company of horse,
stopped them, and demanded whether they came with hostile or friendly
intentions? But receiving no satisfactory answer, he told them they must
there ground their arms, for he had orders not to suffer a man of them
armed to set his foot within the town. The savages with great reluctance
submitted, and accordingly Thomas Bosomworth, in his canonical robes,
with his queen by his side, followed by the various chiefs according to
their rank, marched into town, making a formidable appearance. All the
inhabitants were struck with terror at the sight of the fierce and mighty
host. When they advanced to the parade, they found the militia drawn up
under arms to receive them, who saluted them with fifteen cannon, and
conducted them to the president's house. There Thomas and Adam Bosomworth
being ordered to withdraw, the Indian chiefs, in a friendly manner, were
called upon to declare their intention of visiting the town in so large a
body, without being sent for by any person in lawful authority. The
warriors, as they had been previously instructed, answered, that Mary was
to speak for them, and that they would abide by her words. They had
heard, they said, that she was to be sent like a captive over the great
waters, and they were come to know on what account they were to lose
their queen. They assured the president they intended no harm, and begged
their arms might be restored; and, after consulting with Bosomworth and
his wife, they would return and settle all public affairs. To please them
their muskets were accordingly given back, but strict orders were issued
to allow them no ammunition, until the council should see more clearly
into their dark designs.

On the day following, the Indians having had some private conferences
with their queen, began to be very surly, and to run in a mad and
tumultuous manner up and down the streets, seemingly bent on some
mischief. All the men being obliged to mount guard, the women were
terrified to remain by themselves in their houses, expecting every moment
to be murdered or scalped. During this confusion, a false rumour was
spread, that they had cut off the president's head with a tomahawk, which
so exasperated the inhabitants, that it was with difficulty the officers
could prevent them from firing on the savages. To save a town from
destruction, never was greater prudence requisite. Orders were given to
the militia to lay hold of Bosomworth, and carry him out of the way into
close confinement. Upon which Mary became outrageous and frantic, and
insolently threatened vengeance against the magistrates and whole colony.
She ordered every man of them to depart from her territories, and at
their peril to refuse. She cursed General Oglethorpe and his fraudulent
treaties, and, furiously stamping with her feet upon the ground, swore by
her Maker that the whole earth on which she trode was her own. To prevent
bribery, which she knew to have great weight with her warriors, she kept
the leading men constantly in her eye, and would not suffer them to speak
a word respecting public affairs but in her presence.

The president finding that no peaceable agreement could be made with the
Indians while under the baleful eye and influence of their pretended
queen privately laid hold of her, and put her under confinement with her
husband. This step was necessary, before any terms of negotiation could
be proposed. Having secured the chief promoters of the conspiracy, he
then employed men acquainted with the Indian tongue to entertain the
warriors in the most friendly and hospitable manner, and explain to them
the wicked designs of Bosomworth and his wife. Accordingly a feast was
prepared for all the chief leaders; at which they were informed, that Mr.
Bosomworth had involved himself in debt, and wanted not only their lands,
but also a large share of the royal bounty, to satisfy his creditors in
Carolina: that the King's presents were only intended for Indians, on
account of their useful services and firm attachment to him during the
former wars: that the lands adjoining the town were reserved for them to
encamp upon, when they should come to visit their beloved friends at
Savanna, and the three maritime islands to hunt upon, when they should
come to bathe in the salt waters: that neither Mary nor her husband had
any right to those lands, which were the common property of the Creek
nations: that the great King had ordered the president to defend their
right to them, and expected that all his subjects, both white and red,
would live together like brethren; in short that he would suffer no man
or woman to molest or injure them, and had ordered these words to be left
on record, that their children might know them when they were dead and
gone.

Such policy produced the desired effect, and many of the chieftains being
convinced that Bosomworth had deceived them, declared they would trust
him no more. Even Malatchee, the leader of the Lower Creeks, and a
relation to their pretended empress, seemed satisfied, and was not a
little pleased to hear, that the great King had sent them some valuable
present. Being asked why he acknowledged Mary as the Empress of the great
nation of Creeks, and resigned his power and possessions to a despicable
old woman, while all Georgia owned him as a chief of the nation, and the
president and council were now to give him many rich clothes and medals
for his services? He replied, that the whole nation acknowledged her as
their Queen, and none could distribute the royal presents but one of her
family. The president by this answer perceiving more clearly the design
of the family of Bosomworth, to lessen their influence, and shew the
Indians that he had power to divide the royal bounty among the chiefs,
determined to do it immediately, and dismiss them, and the hardships the
inhabitants underwent, in keeping guard night and day for the defence of
the town.

In the mean time Malatchee, whom the Indians compared to the wind,
because of his fickle and variable temper, having, at his own request,
obtained access to Bosomworth and his wife, was again seduced and drawn
over to support their chimerical claim. While the Indians were gathered
together to receive their respective shares of the royal bounty; he stood
up in the midst of them, and with a frowning countenance, and in violent
agitation of spirit, delivered a speech fraught with the most dangerous
insinuations. He protested, that Mary possessed that country before
General Oglethorpe; and that all the lands belonged to her as Queen, and
head of the Creeks; that it was by her permission Englishmen were at
first allowed to set their foot on them; that they still held them of her
as the original proprietor; that her words were the voice of the whole
nation, consisting of above three thousand warriors, and at her command
every one of them would take up the hatchet in defence of her right; and
then pulling out a paper out of his pocket, he delivered it to the
president in confirmation of what he had said. This was evidently the
production of Bosomworth, and served to discover in the plainest manner,
his ambitious views and wicked intrigues. The preamble was filled with
the names of Indians, called kings, of all the towns of the Upper and
Lower Creeks, none of whom, however, were present, excepting two. The
substance of it corresponded with Malatchee's speech; styling Mary the
rightful princess and chief of their nation, descended in a maternal line
from the emperor, and invested with full power and authority from them to
settle and finally determine all public affairs and causes, relating to
lands and other things, with King George and his beloved men on both
sides of the sea, and whatever should be said or done by her, they would
abide by, as if said or done by themselves.

After reading this paper in council, the whole board were struck with
astonishment; and Malatchee, perceiving their uneasiness, begged to have
it again, declaring he did not know it to be a bad talk, and promising he
would return it immediately to the person from whom he had received it.
To remove all impression made on the minds of the Indians by Malatchee's
speech, and convince them of the deceitful and dangerous tendency of this
confederacy into which Bosomworth and his wife had betrayed them, had now
become a matter of the highest consequence; happy was it for the province
this was a thing neither difficult nor impracticable; for as ignorant
savages are easily misled on the one hand, so, on the other, it was
equally easy to convince them of their error. Accordingly, having
gathered the Indians together for this purpose, the president addressed
them to the following effect. "Friends and brothers, when Mr. Oglethorpe
and his people first arrived in Georgia, they found Mary, then the wife
of John Musgrove, living in a small hut at Yamacraw, having a licence
from the Governor of South Carolina to trade with Indians. She then
appeared to be in a poor ragged condition, and was neglected and despised
by the Creeks. But Mr. Oglethorpe finding that she could speak both the
English and Creek languages, employed her as an interpreter, richly
clothed her, and made her the woman of the consequence she now appears.
The people of Georgia always respected her until she married Thomas
Bosomworth, but from that time she has proved a liar and a deceiver. In
fact, she was no relation of Malatchee, but the daughter of an Indian
woman of no note, by a white man. General Oglethorpe did not treat with
her for the lands of Georgia, she having none of her own, but with the
old and wise leaders of the Creek nation, who voluntarily surrendered
their territories to the King. The Indians at that time having much waste
land, that was useless to themselves, parted with a share of it to their
friends, and were glad that white people had settled among them to supply
their wants. He told them that the present bad humour of the Creeks had
been artfully infused into them by Mary, at the instigation of her
husband, who owed four hundred pounds sterling in Carolina for cattle;
that he demanded a third part of the royal bounty, in order to rob the
naked Indians of their right; that he had quarrelled with the president
and council of Georgia for refusing to answer his exorbitant demands, and
therefore had filled the heads of Indians with wild fancies and
groundless jealousies, in order to breed mischief, and induce them to
break their alliances with their best friends, who alone were able to
supply their wants, and defend them against all their enemies." Here the
Indians desired him to stop, and put an end to the contest, declaring
that their eyes were now opened, and they saw through his insidious
design. But though he intended to break the chain of friendship, they
were determined to hold it fast, and therefore begged that all might
immediatly smoke the pipe of peace. Accordingly pipes and rum were
brought, and the whole congress, joining hand in hand, drank and smoked
together in friendship, every one wishing that their hearts might be
united in like manner as their hands. Then all the royal presents, except
ammunition, with which is was judged imprudent to trust them until they
were at some distance from town, were brought and distributed among them.
The most disaffected were purchased with the largest presents. Even
Malatchee himself seemed fully contented with his share, and the savages
in general perceiving the poverty and insignificance of the family of
Bosomworth, and their total inability to supply their wants, determined
to break off all connection with them for ever.

While the president and council flattered themselves that all differences
were amicably compromised, and were rejoicing in the re-establishment of
their former friendly intercourse with the Creeks, Mary, drunk with
liquor, and disappointed in her views, came rushing in among them like a
fury, and told the president that these were her people, that he had no
business with them, and he should soon be convinced of it to his cost.
The president calmly advised her to keep to her lodgings, and forbear to
poison the minds of Indians, otherwise he would order her again into
close confinement. Upon which turning about to Malatchee in great rage,
she told him what the president had said, who instantly started from his
seat, laid hold of his arms, and then calling upon the rest to follow his
example, dared any man to touch his queen. The whole house was filled in
a moment with tumult and uproar. Every Indian having his tomahawk in his
hand, the president and council expected nothing but instant death.
During this confusion Captain Jones, who commanded the guard, very
seasonably interposed, and ordered the Indians immediately to deliver up
their arms. Such courage was not only necessary to overawe them, but at
the same time great prudence was also requisite, to avoid coming to
extremities with them. With reluctance the Indians submitted, and Mary
was conveyed to a private room, where a guard was set over her, and all
further intercourse with savages denied her during their stay in Savanna.
Then her husband was sent for, in order to reason with him and convince
him of the folly of his chimerical pretensions, and of the dangerous
consequences that might result from persisting in them. But no sooner did
he appear before the president and council, than he began to abuse them
to their face. In spite of every argument used to persuade him to
submission, he remained obstinate and contumacious, and protested he
would stand forth in vindication of his wife's right to the last
extremity, and that the province of Georgia should soon feel the weight
of her vengeance. Finding that fair means were fruitless and ineffectual,
the council then determined to remove him also out of the way of the
savages, and to humble him by force. After having secured the two
leaders, it only then remained to persuade the Indians peaceably to leave
the town, and return to their settlements. Captain Ellick, a young
warrior, who had distinguished himself in discovering to his tribe the
base intrigues of Bosomworth, being afraid to accompany Malatchee and his
followers, thought fit to set out among the first: the rest followed him
in different parties, and the inhabitants, wearied out with constant
watching, and harassed with frequent alarms, were at length happily
relieved.

    [Sidenote] With difficulty settled.

By this time Adam Bosomworth, another brother of the family, who was
agent for Indian affairs in Carolina, had arrived from that province, and
being made acquainted with what had passed in Georgia, was filled with
shame and indignation. He found his ambitious brother, not contented with
the common allowance of land granted by the crown, aspiring after
sovereignty, and attempting to obtain by force one of the largest landed
estates in the world. His plot was artfully contrived, and had it been
executed with equal courage, fatal must the consequence have been. Had he
taken possession of the provincial magazine on his arrival at Savanna,
and supplied the Creeks with ammunition, the militia must soon have been
overpowered, and every family must of course have fallen a sacrifice to
the indiscriminate vengeance of savages. Happily, by the interposition of
his brother, all differences were peaceably compromised. Thomas
Bosomworth at length having returned to sober reflection, began to repent
of his folly, and to ask pardon of the magistrates and people. He wrote
to the president, acquainting him that he was now deeply sensible of his
duty as a subject, and of the respect he owed to civil authority, and
could no longer justify the conduct of his wife; but hoped that her
present remorse, and past services to the province, would entirely blot
out the remembrance of her unguarded expressions and rash design. He
appealed to the letters of General Oglethorpe for her former
irreproachable conduct, and steady friendship to the settlement, and
hoped her good behaviour for the future would atone for her past
offences, and reinstate her in the public favour. For his own part, he
acknowledged her title to be groundless, and for ever relinquished all
claim to the lands of the province. The colonists generously forgave and
forgot all that had past; and public tranquillity being re-established,
new settlers applied for lands as usual, without meeting any more
obstacles from the idle claims of Indian queens and chieftains.

    [Sidenote] The  charter surrendered to the King.

The Trustees of Georgia finding that the province languished under their
care, and weary of the complaints of the people, in the year 1752
surrendered their charter to the King, and it was made a royal
government. In consequence of which his Majesty appointed John Reynolds,
an officer of the navy, Governor of the province, and a legislature
similar to that of the other royal governments in America was established
in it. Great had been the expence which the mother country had already
incurred, besides private benefactions, for supporting this colony; and
small had been the returns yet made by it. The vestiges of cultivation
were scarcely perceptible in the forest, and in England all commerce with
it was neglected and despised. At this time the whole annual exports of
Georgia did not amount to ten thousand pounds sterling. Though the people
were now favoured with the same liberties and privileges enjoyed by their
neighbours under the royal care, yet several years more elapsed before
the value of the lands in Georgia was known, and that spirit of industry
broke out in it which afterwards diffused its happy influence over the
country.

    [Sidenote] George Whitfield's settlement.

In the annals of Georgia the famous George Whitfield may not be unworthy
of some notice, especially as the world through which he wandered has
heard so much of his Orphan-house built in that province. Actuated by
religious motives, this wanderer several times passed the Atlantic to
convert the Americans, whom he addressed in such a manner as if they had
been all equal strangers to the privileges and benefits of religion with
the original inhabitants of the forest. However, his zeal never led him
beyond the maritime parts of America, through which he travelled,
spreading what he called the true evangelical faith among the most
populous towns and villages. One would have imagined that the heathens,
or at least those who were most destitute of the means of instruction,
would have been the primary and most proper objects of his zeal and
compassion; but this was far from being the case. However, wherever he
went in America, as in Britain, he had multitudes of followers. When he
first visited Charlestown, Alexander Garden, a man of some sense and
erudition, who was the episcopal clergyman of that place, to put the
people upon their guard, took occasion to point out to them the
pernicious tendency of Whitfield's wild doctrines and irregular manner of
life. He represented him as a religious impostor or quack, who had an
excellent knack of setting off to advantage his poisonous tenets. On the
other hand, Whitfield, who had been accustomed to bear reproach and face
opposition, recriminated with double acrimony and greater success. While
Alexander Garden, to keep his flock from straying after this strange
pastor, expatiated on the words of Scripture, "Those that have turned the
world upside down are come hither also." Whitfield, with all the force of
comic humour and wit for which he was so much distinguished, by way of
reply, enlarged on these words, "Alexander the coppersmith hath done me
much evil, the Lord reward him according to his works." In short, the
pulpit was perverted by both into the mean purposes of spite and
malevolence, and every one catching a share of the infection, spoke of
the clergymen as they were differently affected.

    [Sidenote] Whitfield's Orphan-house.

In Georgia Whitfield having obtained a track of land from the Trustees,
erected a wooden house two stories high, the dimensions of which were
seventy feet by forty, upon a sandy beach nigh the sea-shore. This house,
which he called the Orphan-House, he began to build about the year 1740,
and afterwards finished it at a great expense. It was intended to be a
lodging for poor children, where they were to be clothed and fed by
charitable contributions, and and trained up in the knowledge and
practice of the Christian religion. The design, beyond doubt, was humane
and laudable; but, perhaps, had he travelled over the whole earth, he
could scarcely have found out a spot of ground upon it more improper for
the purpose. The whole province of Georgia could not furnish him with a
track of land of the same extent more barren and unprofitable. To this
house poor children were to be sent from at least a healthy country, to
be supported partly by charity, and partly by the produce of this land
cultivated by negroes. Nor was the climate better suited to the purpose
than the soil, for it is certain, before the unwholesome marshes around
the house were fertilized, the influences of both air and water must have
conspired to the children's destruction.

However, Whitfield having formed his chimerical project, determined to
accomplish it, and, instead of bring discouraged by obstacles and
difficulties, gloried in despising them. He wandered through the British
empire, persuaded the ignorant and credulous part of the world of the
excellence of his design, and obtained from them money, clothes, and
books, to forward his undertaking, and supply his poor orphans in
Georgia. About thirty years after this wooden house was finished it was
burned to the ground; during which time, if I am well informed, few or
none of the children educated in it have proved either useful members of
society, or exemplary in respect to religion. Some say the fire was
occasioned by a foul chimney, and others by a flash of lightning; but
whatever was the cause, it burnt with such violence that little of either
the furniture or library escaped the flames. When I saw the ruins of this
fabric, I could not help reflecting on that great abuse of the fruits of
charity too prevalent in the world. That money which was sunk here had
been collected chiefly from the poorest class of mankind. Most of those
bibles which were here burnt had been extorted from indigent and
credulous persons, who perhaps had not money to purchase more for
themselves. Happy was it for the zealous founder of this institution,
that he did not live to see the ruin of his works. After his death he was
brought from New-England, above eight hundred miles, and buried at this
Orphan-house. In his last will he left Lady Huntingdon sole executrix,
who has now converted the lands and negroes belonging to the poor
benefactors of Great Britain and her dominions, to the support of
clergymen of the same irregular stamp with the deceased, but void of his
shining talents, and it is become a seminary of dissension and sedition.

    [Sidenote] Sketch of his character.

As George Whitfield appeared in such different lights in the successive
stages of life, it is no easy matter to delineate his character without
an uncommon mixture and vast variety of colours. He was in the British
empire not unlike one of those strange and erratic meteors which appear
now and then in the system of nature. In his youth, as he often confessed
and lamented, he was gay, giddy and profligate; so fondly attached to the
stage, that he joined a company of strolling actors and vagabonds, and
spent a part of his life in that capacity. At this period it is probable
he learned that grimace, buffoonery and gesticulation which he afterwards
displayed from the pulpit. From an abandoned and licentious course of
life he was converted; and, what is no uncommon thing, from one extreme
he run into the other, and became a most zealous and indefatigable
teacher of religion. Having studied some time at Oxford, he received
ordination in the church of England; yet he submitted to none of the
regulations of that or any other church, but became a preacher in
churches, meeting-houses, halls, fields, in all places, and to all
denominations, without exception. Though little distinguished for genius
or learning, yet he possessed a lively imagination, much humour, and had
acquired considerable knowledge of human nature and the manners of the
world. His pretensions to humanity and benevolence were great, yet he
would swell with venom, like a snake, against opposition and
contradiction. His reading was inconsiderable, and mankind being the
object of his study, he could, when he pleased, raise the passions, and
touch the tone of the human heart to great perfection. By this affecting
eloquence and address he impressed on the minds of many, especially of
the more soft and delicate sex, such a strong sense of sin and guilt as
often plunged them into dejection and despair. As his custom was to
frequent those larger cities and towns, that are commonly best supplied
with the means of instruction, it would appear that the love of fame and
popular applause was his leading passion; yet in candour it must be
acknowledged, that he always discovered a warm zeal for the honour of God
and the happiness of men. While he was almost worshipped by the vulgar,
men of superior rank and erudition found him the polite gentleman, and
the facetious and jocular companion. Though he loved good cheer, and
frequented the houses of the rich or more hospitable people of America,
yet he was an enemy to all manner of excess and intemperance. While his
vagrant temper led him from place to place, his natural discernment
enabled him to form no bad judgment of the characters and manners of men
wherever he went. Though he appeared a friend to no established church,
yet good policy winked at all his irregularities, as he every where
proved a steady friend to monarchy and the civil constitution. He knew
well how to keep up the curiosity of the multitude, and his roving manner
stamped a kind of novelty on his instructions. When exposed to the taunts
of the scoffer, and the ridicule of the flagitious, he remained firm to
his purpose, and could even retort these weapons with astonishing ease
and dexterity, and render vice abashed under the lash of his satire and
wit. Sometimes, indeed, he made little scruple of consigning over to
damnation such as differed from him or despised him; yet he was not
entirely devoid of liberality of sentiment. To habitual sinners his
address was for the most part applicable and powerful, and with equal
ease could alarm the secure, and confirm the unsteady. Though, in prayer,
he commonly addressed the second person of the Trinity in a familiar and
fulsome style, and in his sermons used many ridiculous forms of speech,
and told many of his own wonderful works, yet these seemed only shades to
set off to greater advantage the lustre of his good qualities. In short,
though it is acknowledged he had many oddities and failings, and was too
much the slave of party and vain-glory, yet in justice it cannot be
denied, that religion in America owed not a little to the zeal,
diligence, and oratory, of this extraordinary man.

Having said so much with respect to the character which Mr. Whitfield
bore in America, if we view the effects of his example and manner of life
in that country, he will appear to us in a less favourable light. His
great ambition was to be the founder of a new sect, regulated entirely by
popular fancy and caprice, depending on the gifts of nature, regardless
of the improvements of education and all ecclesiastical laws and
institutions. Accordingly, after him a servile race of ignorant and
despicable imitators sprung up, and wandered from place to place,
spreading doctrines subversive of all public order and peace. We
acknowledge the propriety and justice of allowing every reasonable
indulgence to men in matters of religion. The laws of toleration being
part of our happy constitution, it lies with men to learn their duty from
them, and claim protection under them. But after a church has been
erected and established by the most skilful architects, and for ages
received the approbation of the wisest and best men, it serves only to
create endless confusion to be making alterations and additions to
gratify the fancy of every Gothic pretender to that art. Though Whitfield
was in fact a friend to civil government, yet his followers on that
continent have been distinguished for the contrary character, and have
for the most part discovered an aversion to our constitution both of
church and state. Toleration to men who remain peaceable subjects to the
state is reasonable; but dissention, when it grows lawless and
headstrong, is dangerous, and summons men in general to take shelter
under the constitution, that the salutary laws of our country may be
executed by its united strength. No man ought to claim any lordship over
the conscience; but when the consciences of obstinate sectaries become
civil nuisances, and destructive of public tranquillity, they ought to be
restrained by legal authority. For certainly human laws, if they have not
the primary, have, or ought to have, a secondary power to restrain the
irregular and wild excesses of men in religious as well as in civil
matters.

    [Sidenote] A congress with Creeks.

About the year 1752 the flames of war broke out among some Indian
nations, which threatened to involve the province of Carolina in the
calamity. The Creeks having quarrelled with their neighbours for
permitting some Indians to pass through their country to wage war against
them, by way of revenge had killed some Cherokees nigh the gates of
Charlestown. A British trader to the Chickesaw nation had likewise been
scalped by a party of warriors belonging to the same nation. Governor
Glen, in order to demand satisfaction for these outrages, sent a
messenger to the Creeks, requesting a conference at Charlestown with
their leading men. The Creeks returned for answer, that they were willing
to meet him, but as the path had not been open and safe for some time,
they could not enter the settlement without a guard to escort them. Upon
which the Governor sent fifty horsemen, who met them at the confines of
their territories, and convoyed Malatchee, with above an hundred of his
warriors, to Charlestown.

    [Sidenote] The governor's speech to them.

As they arrived on Sunday the Governor did not summon his council until
the day following, to hold a congress with them. At this meeting a number
of gentlemen were present, whom curiosity had drawn together to see the
warriors and hear their speeches. When they entered the council-chamber
the Governor arose and took them by the hand, signifying that he was glad
to see them, and then addressed them to the following effect: "Being tied
together by the most solemn treaties, I call you by the beloved names of
friends and brothers. In the name of the great King George I have sent
for you, on business of the greatest consequence to your nation. I would
have received you yesterday on your arrival, but it was a beloved day,
dedicated to repose and the concerns of a future life. I am sorry to hear
that you have taken up the hatchet, which I flattered myself had been for
ever buried. It is my desire to have the chain brightened and renewed,
not only between you and the English, but also between you and other
Indian nations. You are all our friends, and I could wish that all
Indians in friendship with us were also friends one with another. You
have complained to me of the Cherokees permitting the northern Indians to
come through their country to war against you, and supplying them with
provisions and ammunition for that purpose. The Cherokees, on the other
hand, alledge, that it is not in their power to prevent them, and
declare, that while their people happen to be out hunting those northern
Indians come in to their towns well armed, and in such numbers that they
are not able to resist them.

"I propose that a treaty of friendship and peace be concluded first with
the English, and then with the Cherokees, in such a manner as may render
it durable. Some of your people have from smaller crimes proceeded to
greater. First, they waylaid the Cherokees, and killed one of them in the
midst of our settlements; then they came to Charlestown, where some
Cherokees at the same time happened to be, and though I cautioned them,
and they promised to do no mischief, yet the next day they assaulted and
murdered several of them nigh the gates of this town. For these outrages
I have sent for you, to demand satisfaction; and also for the murder
committed in one of your towns, for which satisfaction was made by the
death of another person, and not of the murderer. For the future, I
acquaint you, that nothing will be deemed as satisfaction for the lives
of our people, but the lives of these persons themselves who shall be
guilty of the murder. The English never make treaties of friendship but
with the greatest deliberation, and when made observe them with the
strictest punctuality. They are, at the same time vigilant, and will not
suffer other nations to infringe the smallest article of such treaties.
It would tend to the happiness of your people were you equally careful to
watch against the beginnings of evil; for sometimes a small spark, if not
attended to, may kindle a great fire; and a slight sore, if suffered to
spread, may endanger the whole body. Therefore, I have sent for you to
prevent farther mischief, and I hope you come disposed to give
satisfaction for the outrages already committed, and to promise and agree
to maintain peace and friendship with your neighbours for the future."

[Sidenote: Malatchee's answer.] This speech delivered to the Indians was
interpreted by Lachlan McGilvray, an Indian trader, who understood their
language. After which Malatchee, the king of the Lower Creek nation,
stood forth, and with a solemnity and dignity of manner that astonished
all present, in answer, addressed the Governor to the following effect:
"I never had the honour to see the great King George, nor to hear his
talk--But you are in his place--I have heard yours, and I like it
well--Your sentiments are agreeable to my own--The great King wisely
judged, that the best way of maintaining friendship between white and red
people was by trade and commerce: --He knew we are poor, and want many
things, and that skins are all we have to give in exchange for what we
want--I have ordered my people to bring you some as a present, and, in
the name of our nation, I lay them at your Excellency's feet--You have
sent for us--we are come to hear what you have to say--But I did not
expect to hear our whole nation accused for the faults of a few private
men--Our head-men neither knew nor approved of the mischief done--We
imagined our young men had gone a-hunting as usual--When we heard what
had happened at Charlestown, I knew you would send and demand
satisfaction--When your agent came and told me what satisfaction you
required, I owned the justice of it--But it was not adviseable for me
alone to grant it--It was prudent to consult with our beloved men, and
have their advice in a matter of such importance--We met--we found that
the behaviour of some of our people had been bad--We found that blood had
been spilt at your gates--We thought it just that satisfaction should he
made--We turned our thoughts to find out the chief persons concerned;
(for a man will sometimes employ another to commit a crime he does not
chuse to be guilty of himself) --We found the Acorn Whistler was the
chief contriver and promoter of the mischief--We agreed that he was the
man that ought to suffer--Some of his relations, who are here present,
then said he deserved death, and voted for it--Accordingly he was put to
death--He was a very great warrior, and had many friends and relations in
different parts of the country--We thought it prudent to conceal for some
time the true reason of his death, which was known only to the head men
that concerted it--We did this for fear some of his friends in the heat
of fury would take revenge on some of your traders--At a general meeting
all matters were explained--The reasons of his death were made known--His
relations approved of all that was done.--Satisfaction being made, I say
no more about that matter--I hope our friendship with the English will
continue as heretofore.

"As to the injuries done to the Cherokees, which you spoke of, we are
sorry for them--We acknowledge our young men do many things they ought
not to do, and very often act like madmen--But it is well known I and the
other head warriors did all we could to oblige them to make
restitution--I rode from town to town with Mr. Bosomworth and his wife to
assist them in this matter--Most of the things taken have been
restored--When this was over, another accident happened which created
fresh troubles--A Chickesaw who lived in our nation; in a drunken fit
shot a white man--I knew you would demand satisfaction--I thought it best
to give it before it was asked--The murder was committed at a great
distance from me--I mounted my horse and rode through the towns with your
agent--I took the head men of every town along with me--We went to the
place and demanded satisfaction--It was given--The blood of the Indian
was spilt for the blood of a white man--The uncle of the murderer
purchased his life, and voluntarily killed himself in his stead--Now I
have done--I am glad to see you face to face to settle those matters--it
is good to renew treaties of friendship--I shall always be glad to call
you friends and brothers."

This speech throws no small light on the judicial proceedings of
barbarous nations, and shews that human nature in its rudest state
possesses a strong sense of right and wrong. Although Indians have little
property, yet here we behold their chief magistrate protecting what they
have, and, in cases of robbery, acknowledging the necessity of making
restitution. They indeed chiefly injure one another in their persons or
reputations, and in all cases of murder the guilty are brought to trial
and condemned to death by the general consent of the nation. Even the
friends and relations of the murderer here voted for his death. But what
is more remarkable, they give us an instance of an atonement made, and
justice satisfied, by the substitution of an innocent man in place of the
guilty. An uncle voluntarily and generously offers to die in the place of
his nephew, the savages accept of the offer, and in consequence of his
death declare that satisfaction is made. Next to personal defence, the
Indian guards his character and reputation; for as it is only from the
general opinion his nation entertains of his wisdom, justice and valour,
that he can expect to arrive at rank and distinction, he is exceedingly
watchful against doing any thing for which he may incur public blame or
disgrace. In this answer to Governor Glen, Malatchee discovers
considerable talents as a public speaker, and appears to be insensible
neither to his own dignity and freedom, not to the honour and
independence of his nation. Genius and liberty are the gifts of heaven;
the former is universal as that space over which it has scope to range,
the latter inspires confidence, and gives a natural confidence to our
words and actions.

During the months of June, July, and August, 1752, the weather in
Carolina was warmer than any of the inhabitants then alive had ever felt
it, and the mercury in the shade often arose above the nintieth, and at
one time was observed at the hundred and first degree of the thermometer;
and, at the same time, when exposed to the sun, and suspended at the
distance of five feet from the ground, it arose above the hundred and
twentieth division. By this excessive heat the air becomes greatly
rarified, and a violent hurricane commonly comes and restores the balance
in the atmosphere. In such a case the wind usually proceeds from the
north-east, directly opposite to the point from which it had long blown
before. Those storms indeed seldom happen except in seasons when there
has been little thunder, when the weather has been long exceeding dry and
intolerably hot, and though they occasion damages to some individuals,
there is reason to believe that they are wisely ordered, and productive
upon the whole of good and salutary effects. Among the close and dark
recesses of the woods the air stagnates, and requires some violent storm
to clear it of putrid effluvia, and render it fit for respiration. At the
same time the earth emits vapours which in a few days causes the finest
polished metals to rust. To penetrate through the thick forest, and
restore the air to a salubrious state, hurricanes may be useful and
necessary. And as such storms have been observed to be productive of good
effects, the want of them for many years together may be deemed a great
misfortune by the inhabitants, especially such as are exposed to the
noon-day heat, to the heavy fogs that fall every morning and evening, and
all the severities of the climate.

It is not improbable that the maritime parts of Carolina have been
forsaken by the sea. Though you dig ever so deep in those places you find
no stones or rocks, but every where sand or beds of shells. As a small
decrease of water will leave so flat a country entirely bare, so a small
increase will again cover it. The coast is not only very level, but the
dangerous hurricanes commonly proceed from the north-east; and as the
stream of the Gulf of Florida flows rapidly towards the same point, this
large body of water, when obstructed by the tempest, recurs upon the
shore, and overflows the country.

    [Sidenote] A hurricane at Charlestown.

In the month of September, 1752, a dreadful hurricane happened at
Charlestown. In the night before, it was observed by the inhabitants that
the wind at north-east began to blow hard, and continued increasing in
violence till next morning. Then the sky appeared wild and cloudy, and it
began to drizzle and rain. About nine o'clock the flood came rolling in
with great impetuosity, and in a little time rose ten feet above high
water mark at the highest tides. As usual in such cases, the town was
overflown, and the streets were covered with boats, boards, and wrecks of
houses and ships. Before eleven all the ships in the harbour were driven
ashore, and sloops and schooners were dashing against the houses of
Bay-Street, in which great quantities of goods were damaged and
destroyed. Except the Hornet man of war, which by cutting away her masts,
rode out the storm, no vessel escaped being damaged or wrecked. The
tremor and consternation which seized the inhabitants may be more easily
conceived than expressed. Finding themselves in the midst of a
tempestuous sea, and expecting the tide to flow till one o'clock, its
usual hour, at eleven they retired to the upper stories of their houses,
and there remained despairing of life. At this critical time Providence
however mercifully interposed, and surprised them with a sudden and
unexpected deliverance. Soon after eleven the wind shifted, in
consequence of which the waters fell five feet in the space of ten
minutes. By this happy change the Gulf stream, stemmed by the violent
blast, had freedom to run in its usual course, and the town was saved
from imminent danger and destruction. Had the water continued to rise,
and the tide to flow until its usual hour, every inhabitant of
Charlestown must have perished. Almost all the tiled and slated houses
were uncovered, several persons were hurt, and some were drowned. The
fortifications and wharfs were almost entirely demolished: the provisions
in the field, in the maritime parts, were destroyed, and numbers of
cattle and hogs perished in the waters. The pest-house in Sullivan's
island, built of wood, with fifteen persons in it, was carried several
miles up Cooper river, and nine out of the fifteen were drowned. In
short, such is the low situation of Charlestown, that it is subject to be
destroyed at any time by such an inundation, and the frequent warnings
the people have had may justly fill them with a deep sense of their
dependent condition, and with constant gratitude to Providence for their
preservation.

    [Sidenote] The advantages of poor settlers in the province.

We have seen the hardships under which the Carolineans laboured from the
hot climate and low situation of the province, it may not be improper to
take a view of those advantages afforded them which served to animate
them amidst such difficulties to industry and perseverance. In that
growing colony, where there are vast quantities of land unoccupied, the
poorest class of people have many opportunities and advantages, from
which they are entirely excluded in countries fully peopled and highly
improved. During the first years of occupancy they are indeed exposed to
many dangers in providing for themselves and families an habitation for a
shelter against the rigours of the climate, and in clearing fields for
raising the necessaries of life. But when they have the good fortune to
surmount the hardships of the first years of cultivation, the
inconveniencies gradually decrease in proportion to their improvements.
The merchants being favoured with credit from Britain, are enabled to
extend it to the swarm of labourers in the country. The planters having
established their characters for honesty and industry, obtain hands to
assist them in the harder tasks of clearing and cultivation. Their wealth
consists in the increase of their slaves, stock and improvements. Having
abundance of waste land, they can extend their culture in proportion to
their capital. They live almost entirely on the produce of their estates,
and consequently spend but a small part of their annual income. The
surplus is yearly added to the capital, and they enlarge their prospects
in proportion to their wealth and strength. At market if there be a great
demand for the commodities they raise, this is an additional advantage,
and renders their progress rapid beyond their most sanguine expectations;
they labour, and they receive more and more encouragement to persevere,
until they advance to an easy and comfortable state. It has been
observed, on the other hand, that few or none of those emigrants that
brought much property along with them have ever succeeded in that
country.

    [Sidenote] The advantages of money lenders.

Or, if the poor emigrant be an artificer, and chuses to follow his trade,
the high price of labour is no less encouraging. By the indulgence of the
merchants, or by the security of a friend, he obtains credit for a few
negroes. He learns them his trade, and a few good tradesmen, well
employed, are equal to a small estate. Having got some hands, instead of
a labourer he becomes an undertaker, and enters into contract with his
employer, to erect his house; to build his ship; to furnish his
plantations with shoes, or the capital with bricks. In a little time he
acquires some money, and, like several others in the city whose yearly
gain exceeds what is requisite for the support of themselves and
families, lays it out on interest. Ten and eight _per cent._ being given
for money, proved a great temptation, and induced many, who were averse
from the trouble of settling plantations, or were unable to bestow that
attention to them which they demanded, to take this method of increasing
their fortune. If the moneylender followed his employment in the capital,
or reserved in his hands a sufficiency for family use, and allowed the
interest to be added yearly to the capital stock, his fortune increased
fast, and soon became considerable. Several persons preferred this method
of accumulating riches to that of cultivation, especially those whom age
or infirmity had rendered unfit for action and fatigue.

Notwithstanding the extensive credit commonly allowed the planting
interest by the merchants, the number of borrowers always exceeded that
of the lenders of money. Having vast extent of territory, the planters
were eager to obtain numbers of labourers, which raised the demand for
money, and kept up the high rate of interest. The interest of money in
every country is for the most part according to the demand, and the
demand according to the profits made by the use of it. The profits must
always be great where men can afford to take money at the rate of eight
and ten _per cent._ and allow it to remain in their hands upon compound
interest. In Carolina labourers on good lands cleared their first cost
and charges in a few years, and therefore great was the demand for money
in order to procure them.

    [Sidenote] And of the borrowers.

Let us next take a view of those advantages in favour of the borrower of
money. His landed estate he obtained from the Crown. The quit-rents and
taxes were trifling and inconsiderable. Being both landlord and farmer he
had perfect liberty to manage and improve his plantation as he pleased,
and was accountable to none but himself for any of the fruits of his
industry. His estate furnished him with game and fish, which he had
freedom to kill and use at pleasure. In the woods his cattle, hogs and
horses grazed at their ease, attended perhaps only by a negro boy. If his
sheep did not thrive well, he had calves, hogs and poultry in abundance
for the use of his family. All his able labourers he could turn to the
field, and exert his strength in railing his staple commodity. The low
country being every where interspersed with navigable rivers and creeks,
the expence of conveying his rice to the market, which otherwise would
have been intolerable, was thereby rendered easy. Having provisions from
his estate to support his family and labourers, he applies his whole
staple commodities for the purposes of answering the demands of the
merchant and moneylender. He expects that his annual produce will not
only answer those demands against him, but also bring an addition to his
capital, and enable him to extend his hand still farther in the way of
improvement. Hence it happened, that in proportion as the merchants
extended credit to the planters, and supplied them with labourers for
their lands, the profits returned to the capital yearly according to the
increased number of hands employed in cultivation.

It is no easy thing to enumerate all the advantages of water carriage to
a fruitful and commercial province. The lands are rendered more valuable
by being situated on navigable creeks and rivers. The planters who live
fifty miles from the capital, are at little more expence in sending their
provisions and produce to its market, than those who live within five
miles of it. The town is supplied with plenty of provisions, and its
neighbourhood prevented from enjoying a monopoly of its market. By this
general and unlimited competition the price of provisions is kept low,
and while the money arising from them circulates equally and universally
through the country, it contributes, in return, to its improvement. The
planters have not only water carriage to the market far their staple
commodities, but on their arrival the merchant again commits them to the
general tide of commerce, and receives in return what the world affords
profitable to himself, and useful to the country in which he lives. Hence
it happened, that no town was better supplied than Charlestown with all
the necessaries, conveniencies, and luxuries of life.

    [Sidenote] Great benefits enjoyed by colonists.

Besides these advantages arising from good lands given them by the Crown,
the Carolineans received protection to trade, a ready market, drawbacks
and bounties, by their political and commercial connection with the
mother country. The duties laid on many articles of foreign manufacture
on their importation into Britain were drawn back, sometimes the whole,
almost always a great part, on their exportation to the colonies. These
drawbacks were always in favour of the consumers, and supplied the
provincial markets with foreign goods at a rate equally cheap as if they
had been immediately imported from the place where they were
manufactured. Hence the colonists were exempted from those heavy duties
which their fellow-subjects in Britain were obliged to pay, on most
articles of foreign manufacture which they consumed. Besides, upon the
arrival of such goods in the country, the planters commonly had twelve
months credit from the provincial merchant, who was satisfied with
payment once in the year from all his customers. So that to the consumers
in Carolina, East-India goods, German manufactures, Spanish, Portugal,
Madeira and Fyal wines came cheaper than to those in Great Britain. We
have known coals, salt, and other articles brought by way of ballast,
sold cheaper in Charlestown than in London.

But the colonists had not only those drawbacks on foreign goods imported,
but they were also allowed bounties on several articles of produce
exported. For the encouragement of her colonies Great Britain laid high
duties on several articles imported from foreign countries, and gave the
colonists premiums and bounties on the same commodities. The planting
tobacco was prohibited in England, in order to encourage it in America.
The bounties on naval stores, indigo, hemp, and raw silk, while they
proved an encouragement to industry, all terminated in favour of the
plantations. Nor ought the Carolineans to forget the perfect freedom they
enjoyed with respect to their trade with the West Indies, where they
found a convenient and most excellent market for their Indian corn, rice,
lumber, and salt provisions, and in return had rum, unclayed sugar,
coffee and molasses much cheaper than their fellow-subjects in Britain. I
mention these things because many of the colonists are ignorant of the
privileges and advantages they enjoy; for, upon a general view of their
circumstances, and a comparison of their case with that of their
fellow-subjects in Britain and Ireland, they must find they had much
ground for contentment, and none for complaint.

Another circumstance we may mention to which few have paid sufficient
attention. It is true, Great Britain had laid the colonists under some
restraints with respect to their domestic manufactures and their trade to
foreign ports, but however much such a system of policy might affect the
more northern colonies, it was at this time rather serviceable than
prejudicial to Carolina. It served to direct the views of the people to
the culture of lands, which was both more profitable to themselves and
beneficial to the mother country. Though they had plenty of beaver skins,
and a few hats were manufactured from them, yet the price of labour was
so high, that the merchant could send the skins to England, import hats
made of them, and undersell the manufacturers of Carolina. The province
also furnished some wool and cotton, but before they could be made into
cloth, they cost the consumer more money than the merchant demanded for
the same goods imported. The province afforded leather, but before it
could be prepared and made into shoes, the price was equally high, and
often higher, than that of shoes imported from Britain. In like manner,
with respect to many other articles, it would be for the advantage of the
province as well as mother country to export the raw materials and import
the goods manufactured. For while the inhabitants of Carolina can employ
their hands to more advantage in cultivating waste land, it will be their
interest never to wear a woollen or linen rag of their own manufacture,
to drive a nail of their own forging, nor use any sort of plate, iron,
brass or stationary wares of their own making. Until the province shall
grow more populous, cultivation is the most profitable employment, and
the labourer injures himself and family by preferring the less to the
more profitable branch of industry.

Few also are the restrictions upon trade, which, in effect, could be
deemed hurtful; for, excepting the vessels which traded to the southward
of Cape Finisterre, and were obliged to return to England to cancel their
bond before they sailed for Carolina, every other restraint may be said
to be ultimately in favour of the province. It was the interest of such a
flourishing colony to be always in debt to Great Britain, for the more
labourers that were sent to it, the more rapidly it advanced in riches.
Suppose the planters this year stand much indebted to the merchants, and,
by reason of an unfavourable season, are rendered unable to answer the
demands against them; the merchants, instead of ruining them, indulged
them for another year, and perhaps intrusted them with double the sum for
which they stood indebted. This has frequently been found the most
certain method of obtaining payment. In like manner the merchants must
have indulgence from England, the primary source of credit. If the
province could not obtain such indulgence from any part of the world as
from the mother country, it must be for its interest to support its
credit with those generous friends who were both able and disposed to
give it. To lodge the yearly produce of the province in the hands of
those English creditors as soon as possible, is the surest means of
supporting this credit. Besides, the London merchants being the best
judges of the markets of Europe, can of course sell the staple
commodities to the best advantage. The centrical situation of that city
was favourable for intelligence; her merchants are famous over the world
for their extensive knowledge in trade; they well knew the ports where
there was the greatest demand for the commodity; all which were
manifestly in favour of the province in which it was raised. Were the
planters to have the choice of their market, it is very doubtful whether
such liberty would be for their interest. Were they to export their
produce on their own bottom, they would certainly be great losers. Some
who have made the attempt have honestly confessed the truth: While it
divided their attention, it engaged them in affairs to which they were in
general very great strangers. Even the provincial merchants themselves
are not always perfect judges of the markets in Europe, nor could they
have obtained such unlimited credit in any other channel than that
circumscribed by the laws of their country. Here is a co-operation of a
number of persons united for promoting the interest and advantage of one
another, and placed in circumstances and situations well adapted for that
purpose. So that, in fact, it is not for the interest of Carolina, in its
present advancing state, to be free from debt, far less of its planters
to engage in trade, or its inhabitants in manufactures.

    [Sidenote] Progress of the province.

To form a right judgment of the progress of the province, and the mutual
advantages resulting from its political and commercial connection with
Britain, we need only attend to its annual imports and exports. We cannot
exactly say what its imports amounted to at this time; but if they
amounted to above one hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling in the
year 1740, as we have already seen, they must have arisen at least to two
hundred thousand pounds sterling in 1754. The quantities of rice exported
this year were 104,682 barrels; of indigo, 216,924 pounds weight, which,
together with naval stores, provisions, skins, lumber, _&c._ amounted in
value to two hundred and forty-two thousand, five hundred and twenty-nine
pounds sterling. This shews the great value and importance of the
province to Britain. And while she depends on the mother country for all
the manufactures she uses, and applies her attention to such branches of
business as are most profitable to herself and most beneficial to
Britain, Carolina must in the nature of things prosper. Without this
dependence, and mutual exchange of good offices, the colony might have
subsisted, but could never have thrived and flourished in so rapid a
manner.




CHAP. X.


    [Sidenote] A dispute about the limits of British and French
    territories.

Although the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle extended to the subjects of both
Britain and France residing in America, yet the boundaries of the
respective territories claimed by those rival states were by no means
fixed in so clear and precise a manner as to preclude all grounds of
future dispute. The limits of Nova Scotia in particular, and those of the
extensive back settlements of Virginia and Pennsylvania, were neither
clearly understood nor accurately marked. In consequence of which, as the
colonists extended their culture backwards encroachments were made, or
supposed to be made, which created jealousies and differences between the
British and French subjects on that continent. Some merchants trading to
Virginia and Pennsylvania having formed a project for a settlement on the
Ohio, obtained a grant of six hundred thousand acres of land from the
King, together with an exclusive privilege of trafficking with Indian
nations nigh that river. To these territories the French claimed a right;
and, to keep possession, as well as to engross the Indian trade, built a
fort on the banks of the Ohio river, which they called Fort Duquesne.
This situation was very convenient for preserving the friendship of
Indian nations, an object of the utmost importance to the French, as the
subjects of Britain in America were at that time vastly more numerous and
powerful than those of France.

Tobacco being a plant which quickly exhausts the richest lands, the
planters of Virginia were accustomed gradually to stretch backward, and
occupy such fresh spots of ground as promised them the greatest returns.
Some had even crossed the Allegany mountains, where they found rich
vallies lying waste, upon which they settled plantations; and though the
land-carriage of such a heavy and bulky commodity was expensive, yet they
found that the superiority of their crops made them some compensation. To
this territory beyond the mountains, as well as the other marked and
measured out for the Ohio Company, the French laid claim, and sent a
considerable garrison from Montreal to Fort Duquesne, to defend their
pretended right. The commander in chief of Canada wrote a letter to the
Governor of Virginia, complaining of encroachments made on his most
Christian Majesty's territories, and demanding that such British planters
and traders as had settled on those lands should withdraw, otherwise he
would be obliged to seize both their properties and persons. No regard
being paid to his complaints, the commandant of Fort Duquesne seized by
force three British traders, and goods to a large amount, and carried
them to Montreal. Upon which the Governor of Virginia determined to
resent the injury, and immediately began to concert measures for the
protection of the frontiers. He raised a body of militia, and sent them
met the mountains to watch the motions of their troublesome neighbours,
and obtained reinforcements from North and South Carolina to assist them
against the French garrison. This detachment, under the command of Major
Washington, encamped near Fort Duquesne, between whom and the French
garrison hostilities commenced in America; and the flame of war
afterwards spreading, involved Europe in the quarrel.

    [Sidenote] A chain of forts raised by the French.

From this period the great object which the French kept in view was to
strengthen their frontiers, and make all possible preparations for
defending themselves against the storm which they foresaw gathering in
America. Though they seemed averse from an open declaration of war, yet
they continued pouring troops into the continent, and raising a line of
forts to secure a communication between their colony at the mouth of the
Mississippi and their great settlement in Canada. They amused the British
administration with fruitless negotiations about the limits of Nova
Scotia, while they were busily employed in the execution of this great
plan. Their design, however, was no secret to the more discerning part of
the Americans, who plainly perceived from such preparations that
hostilities were approaching. In Acadia they erected a fort at Chinecto,
to confine the British subjects of Nova Scotia within the peninsula. At
Crown Point another was raised, on lands claimed by the King of Great
Britain, well situated for harassing the back settlements of New York and
Connecticut. Another was built at Niagara, on land belonging to the Six
Nations in alliance with Britain. While the Canadians were falling down
the Ohio river, and raising strong-holds, the forces at Pensacola and New
Orleans were also forcing their way up the Mississippi, and establishing
garrisons on the most advantageous posts, on purpose to meet their
friends from Canada, and confine the British settlements to the space
between the mountains and the Atlantic sea. The more easily to accomplish
this great design, it was necessary to secure by all possible means the
interest of the savage nations. For this purpose missionaries were sent
among the different tribes, who conformed to the dress, manners and
customs of the savages, and represented the British heretics in the most
odious light, making the Indians believe that their safety and happiness
depended on the total extirpation of such men from America. Though some
tribes rejected their friendship, yet it is certain that many were won
over by their insinuating arts and intrigues, and entered into alliances
with them. When a general congress was held at Albany fewer Indians than
usual at such meetings attended, which afforded grounds of suspicion, and
obliged the governors of the British colonies to double their diligence
for watching the motions of their enterprising neighbours.

    [Sidenote] The distracted state of the British colonies.

At the same time the situation of some of the British colonies proved
favourable to the hostile preparations and attempts of their enemies.
Their clashing interests had bred jealousies and animosities among them,
insomuch that it was no easy matter to bring them firmly to unite, in
order to oppose a common enemy with vigour and spirit. They believed
themselves unable to withstand the militia of Canada supported by some
regiments of regular troops from France, and therefore in the most humble
manner implored the protection of Britain. They were filled with terrible
apprehensions of the French power, declaring that their vanity and
ambition had nothing less in view at this period than to divide the
western world with Spain, and make all its riches center in the house of
Bourbon. But whether they had such a view or not, one thing is plain,
that the reduction of the British empire in America would facilitate the
accomplishment of such a design, as the Portuguese dominions must
afterwards fall an easy prey to those two powerful potentates.

Though Great Britain was sensible of the danger which threatened her
colonies, yet as the number of British settlers on the continent exceeded
that of the French, being not less than twenty to one, she expected that
they would unite among themselves, and raise a fund for the common
defence. Hitherto she had nursed and protected them, and many of the
colonies had arrived at a considerable degree of opulence and strength.
They had the easiest taxes of any civilized people upon earth. They had
enjoyed many civil privileges, and commercial advantages, from their
connection with the mother country. As their resources were considerable,
it was hoped their zeal would not be wanting for their own defence. To
give a check to any encroachments of the French in that quarter, Great
Britain was more remotely, America herself more immediately, concerned.
Instructions were therefore sent to the governors of the different
provinces, to recommend unanimity to the people, and the necessity of an
association for their mutual defence. But when the raising of men and
money was proposed to the assemblies they fell into disputes among
themselves, which became more violent in proportion as the enemy
approached their habitations. Some pleaded extraordinary privileges from
their charters; others started frivolous and absurd objections, insisting
on punctilios as pretences for delay. In short, so different were their
constitutions and forms of government, so divided were they in their
views and interests, that it was found impossible to unite them together,
in order to give their force its due weight. The frontiers were naked and
extensive, the inhabitants upon them were thin and scattered, and utterly
unequal to the service requisite without the assistance of their
neighbours. The flames of war had broke out on some of them, and the
neighbouring provinces could no otherwise be safe than by stretching
forth their hands in helping to extinguish them. Thus, while the French
were acting in concert under one commander and chief, the British
colonists were spending that time in barren deliberations and private
disputes which they ought to have employed in fortifying their borders
and checking the progress of their enemy. What was in fact the business
of every man seemed to engage the attention of none, and all kept their
eyes fixed on the mother country for protection, regarding themselves as
disinterested in the general safety of the empire, and very unequal to
their own defence.

    [Sidenote] General Braddock's defeat in Virginia.

While thus one province refused help to another, Great Britain,
notwithstanding the extensive dominions she had to guard in different
quarters of the globe, generously undertook the protection of America. As
the greatest dangers seemed to hang over the province of Virginia,
General Braddock was sent out with a considerable body of men to assist
the Virginians in driving the French from their frontiers. This haughty
and rash leader, being possessed of considerable skill in the European
arts of war, entertained a sovereign contempt for an American enemy, and
advanced against Fort Duquesne without even the smallest doubt of
success. However, the French had intelligence of his approach, and were
prepared to receive him. Having collected a large body of Indians, they
had taken possession of an advantageous ground, and placed the regulars
on a rising hill in front, and the savages in the dark woods on each
side. General Braddock, instead of keeping small parties before the main
body, to scour the woods as he advanced, and explore every dangerous
pass, marched his men, according to the custom in Europe, in a close
compacted body, and unfortunately fell into the snare which his enemies
had laid for him. The French regulars in the front began the attack from
behind a breast-work, while the Indians kept up an irregular and
scattered fire from the dark thickets on each side, which surprized and
confounded the British soldiers, who were utter strangers to such methods
of attack. Almost every shot took effect, and the brave men observing
their neighbours falling by their side, were put into confusion and fled,
refusing to return to the charge against invisible assailants,
notwithstanding every effort used by the officers for that purpose.
Braddock with many brave officers and men fell in this field, and the
remainder retreated with precipitation to Philadelphia, leaving these
frontiers in a worse condition than they were in before.

    [Sidenote] Colonel Johnston's success at Lake George.

Colonel Johnston, who marched with about three thousand men against Crown
Point, was indeed more successful than this rash commander in Virginia.
Being better acquainted with the woods, and the various methods of
attack, he could both avail himself of the advantages, and guard against
the dangers arising from the nature of the country. With cautious steps
he advanced against the enemy, until he reached Lake George, where a
party of his advanced guard being attacked retreated to the main body.
The French pursued them, and a bloody battle ensued between the two
armies, equally skilled in bush-fighting, which terminated much to the
honour of the British officer. The enemy was repulsed with considerable
loss, leaving Baron de Diescau wounded in the field, who, with many
others, fell into Johnston's hands, and were made prisoners of war. This
finall advantage gained over the French served in some measure to revive
the drooping spirits of the colonists; yet still they entertained the
most discouraging apprehensions of the French power in the woods, and
seemed ardently to long for the relief and assistance of the mother
country.

While these hostilities were openly carrying on in the northern parts of
America, it was judged prudent to consult the safety of the provinces to
the south, and put them in the best posture of defence. To prevent the
fatal influence of French emissaries among the Indian tribes, it was
thought necessary to build some small forts in the heart of their
country. The Indians on the Ohio river, from the success which attended
their arms at Fort Duquesne, entertained the highest ideas of French
courage and conduct, and were trying to seduce the Cherokees, who were at
this time the firmest allies of Britain. A message was sent to Governor
Glen from the chief warrior of the over-hill settlements, acquainting him
that some Frenchmen and their allies were among their people,
endeavouring to poison their minds, and that it would be necessary to
hold a general congress with the nation, and renew their former treaties
of friendship. He assured the Governor, that though he had been wounded
in his younger years, and was now old, yet he would meet him half way for
this purpose, if he should even be carried on the backs of his people.
Accordingly, Governor Glen appointed a place for holding a congress, and
agreed to meet the warrior; for as the clouds were gathering every where
on the American horizon, the friendship of the Cherokees at such a time
was an object of too much importance to Carolina to be overlooked or
neglected.

It may be remarked, that the Cherokees differ in some respects from other
Indian nations that have wandered often from place to place, and fixed
their habitations on separate districts. From time immemorial they have
had possession of the same territory which at present they occupy. They
affirm, that their forefathers sprung from that ground, or descended from
the clouds upon those hills. These lands of their ancestors they value
above all things in the world. They venerate the places where their bones
lie interred, and esteem it disgraceful in the highest degree to
relinquish these sacred repositories. The man that would refuse to take
the field in defence of these hereditary possessions, is regarded by them
as a coward, and treated as an outcast from their nation. To the
over-hill villages the French had an easy access by means of rivers that
emptied themselves into the Ohio and Mississippi. Their middle
settlements and towns in the valley lay more convenient for trading with
the Carolineans. Hitherto they despised the French, whom they called
light as a feather, fickle as the wind, and deceitful as serpents; and,
being naturally of a very grave cast, they considered the levity of that
people as an unpardonable insult. They looked upon themselves as a great
and powerful nation, and though their number was much diminished, yet
they could bring from their different towns about three thousand men to
the field. At this time they had neither arms nor ammunition to defend
themselves against their enemy, and the Governor of Carolina wanted
liberty to build two forts on their lands, in order to secure their
friendship and trade. As the French were tampering with them, and had
shewn a keenness more than common to gain some footing with them, it
behoved the province to exert itself, in order to prevent if possible any
alliance with its enemies.

    [Sidenote] Governor Glen holds a congress with the Cherokees.

Accordingly, in 1755, Governor Glen met the Cherokee warriors in their
own country, with a view to purchase some lands from them; and, after the
usual ceremonies previous to such solemn treaties were over, the Governor
sat down under a spreading tree, and Chulochcullah being chosen speaker
for the Cherokee nation, came and took his seat beside him. The other
warriors, about five hundred in number, stood around them in solemn
silence and deep attention. Then the Governor arose, and made a speech in
name of his king, representing his great power, wealth and goodness, and
his particular regard for his children the Cherokees. He reminded them of
the happiness they had long enjoyed by living under his protection; and
added, that he had many presents to make them, and expected they would
surrender a share of their territories in return for them. He acquainted
them of the great poverty and wicked designs of the French, and hoped
they would permit none of them to enter their towns. He demanded lands to
build two forts in their country, to protect them against their enemies,
and to be a retreat to their friends and allies, who furnished them with
arms, ammunition, hatchets, clothes, and every thing that they wanted.

When the Governor had finished his speech, Chulochcullah arose, and
holding his bow in one hand, his shaft of arrows and other symbols used
by them on such occasions in the other, in answer spoke to the following
effect. "What I now speak our father the great king should hear--We are
brothers to the people of Carolina--one house covers us all." Then taking
a boy by the hand he presented him to the Governor, saying, "We, our
wives and our children, are all children of the great King George--I have
brought this child, that when he grows up he may remember our agreement
on this day, and tell it to the next generation, that it may be known for
ever." Then opening his bag of earth, and laying the same at the
Governor's feet, he said, "We freely surrender a part of our lands to the
great King--The French want our possessions, but we will defend them
while one of our nation shall remain alive." Then shewing his bows and
arrow, he added, "These are all the arms we can make for our defence--We
hope the King will pity his children the Cherokees, and send us guns and
ammunition--We fear not the French--Give us arms and we will go to war
against the enemies of the great King." Then delivering the Governor a
string of wampum in confirmation of what he had said, he added, "My
speech is at an end--It is the voice of the Cherokee nation--I hope the
Governor will send it to the King, that it may be kept for ever."

    [Sidenote] And purchases a large tract of land from them.

At this congress a territory of prodigious extent was ceded and
surrendered to the King. Deeds of conveyance were drawn up, and formally
executed by their head men in name of the whole people. It contained not
only much rich land, but there the air was more serene, and the climate
more healthy, than in the maritime parts. It exhibited many pleasant and
romantic scenes, formed by an intermixture of beautiful hills, fruitful
vallies, rugged rocks, clear streams, and gentle water-falls. The hills
were of a stiff and tenacious clay, but the vallies of a deep, fat mould,
and were covered with perpetual verdure. The acquisition at that time was
so far of importance to Carolina, as it removed the savages at a greater
distance from the settlements, and allowed the inhabitants liberty to
extend backwards, in proportion as their number increased.

    [Sidenote] Forts built in defence of Carolina.

Soon after the cession of these lands, Governor Glen built a fort about
three hundred miles from Charlestown, afterwards called Fort Prince
George, which was situated on the banks of the river Savanna, and within
gun-shot of an Indian town called Keowee. This fort was made in the form
of a square, and had an earthen rampart about six feet high, on which
stockades were fixed, with a ditch, a natural glacis on two sides, and
bastions at the angles, on each of which four small cannon were mounted.
It contained barracks for an hundred men, and was designed for a defence
to the western frontiers of the province. About an hundred and seventy
miles further down there was another strong-hold, called Fort Moore, in a
beautiful commanding situation on the banks of the same river. In the
year following another fort was erected, called Fort Loudon, among the
Upper Cherokees, situated on Tenassee river upwards of five hundred miles
distant from Charlestown; to which place it was very difficult at all
times, but, in case of a war with the Cherokees, utterly impracticable to
convey necessary supplies. These strong-holds, together with those of
Frederica and Augusta in Georgia, were garrisoned by his Majesty's
independent companies of foot, stationed there for the protection of the
two provinces.

After having fortified these frontiers, the settlers of Carolina began to
stretch backward, and occupied lands above an hundred and fifty miles
from the shore. New emigrants from Ireland, Germany and the northern
colonies obtained grants in these interior parts, and introduced the
cultivation of wheat, hemp, flax and tobacco, for which the soil answered
better there than in the low lands nearer the sea. The cattle, sheep,
hogs and horses multiplied fast, and having a country of vast extent to
range over, they found plenty of provisions in it through the whole year.
From different parts new settlers were invited to those hilly and more
healthy parts of Carolina, where they laboured with greater safety than
among the swamps, and success crowned their industry. By degrees public
roads were made, and they conveyed their produce in waggons to the
capital, where they found an excellent market for all their productions,
but especially the provisions which they raised.

    [Sidenote] Its excellent fruits and plants.

Although the soil and climate of the province suited the finest fruits
and vegetable productions, yet the garden had long been neglected, and
the orchard had engaged the attention only of a few. The people of
Bermuda, not many years ago, carried to the market in Charlestown
cabbages raised on that island, and the northern colonies their apples
and Irish potatoes. But now the Carolineans found, by chusing a spot of
land with judgment for the garden, that it would furnish them with all
necessaries of this kind. Every spring and autumn brought them a crop of
European peas and beans. Musk and water melons thrive exceedingly well
even on the sandy maritime islands, and arrive at a degree of perfection
unknown in many parts of Europe. All kinds of sallad, such as lettuce,
endive, cresses, parsley, radishes, onions, will grow there in all
seasons of the year, excepting one, and as nature has denied the people
this kind of nourishment during the summer months, it is probable it must
on that account be unwholesome. The garden also yielded abundance of
cabbages, brocoli, cauliflower, turnips, spinage, cucumbers, squashes,
artichokes, pompions, asparagus, _&c._ in great perfection. The climate
indeed refuses the people of Carolina currants and gooseberries, as every
attempt to raise them has failed; but they have oranges, figs, peaches,
apricots, nectarines and strawberries in plenty, which are exceedingly
agreeable and refreshing in the summer season. Olives, grapes, cherries,
citrons and plumbs will grow, though not cultivated in common; but
apples, pears, pomegranates, chesnuts and walnuts are, or at least may
be, raised in abundance. Many physical roots and herbs, such as
China-root, snake-root, sassafras, are the spontaneous growth of the
woods; and sage, balm and rosemary thrive well in the gardens. The
planters distil brandy of an inferior quality from peaches; and gather
berries from the myrtle bushes of which they make excellent candles. The
woods will also supply them with a variety of cherries, mulberries, wild
grapes and nuts. In short, nature hath denied the diligent and skilful
planter few of the most useful vegetables, and many delicious fruits grow
to a degree of perfection exceeded by no country in Europe.

Ar the same time it must be acknowledged, that some disadvantages attend
the climate with respect to the vegetable kingdom. European grapes have
been transplanted, and several attempts made to raise wine in Carolina;
but so overshaded are the vines planted in the woods, and so foggy is the
season of the year when they begin to ripen, that they seldom come to
maturity. But as excellent grapes have been raised in gardens where they
are exposed to the sun, we are apt to believe that proper methods have
not been taken for encouraging that branch of agriculture, considering
its great importance in a national view. Some tolerable wine has been
made from the native vines, which do not ripen so early in the season as
those transplanted from Europe; and perhaps in some future day, when the
planters have acquired greater skill, and made trials of different soils
and situations, the vineyard culture may succeed better than it has yet
done, and turn to some national account, like other profitable articles
of American husbandry.

In some seasons the cold blast from the north-west proves very
destructive to the orange, the olive and peach trees. In mild winters the
trees blossom early, sometimes by the beginning of February, often before
the middle of it. After the juices begin to rise, should the north west
wind bring a cold frosty night, it commonly kills every tender shoot.
Governor Glen makes mention of a frost which happened on the 7th of
February, 1747, which killed almost all the orange trees in the country.
The trees being ready to blossom about the time the frost came, it burst
all their vessels, insomuch that not only the bark, but even the bodies
of many of them were split, and all on the side next the sun. Such blasts
are incredibly sharp and piercing. The Governor says he found several
birds frozen to death near his house. We cannot vouch for the truth of
this assertion, but we know no climate where the cold is more severely
felt by the human body.

    [Sidenote] Its minerals undiscovered.

With respect to the mineral kingdom we may say, who can tell what rich
mines lie hid in Carolina, when no person has sought for them? If it be
true that mountainous countries are favorable to mines, it may be
presumed that this province, in which there are many extensive and high
mountains, is not without its hidden treasures, no more than the other
parts of the continent. Pennsylvania hath already exhibited to the world
some useful minerals, and Carolina in time will probably do the same. But
while the surface of the earth yields abundance of vegetable productions
for the use of the inhabitants, and a plentiful livelihood can be
obtained by easier means than that of digging into its bowels, it can
scarcely be expected that they will apply themselves to deep and
uncertain researches. It remains for a more populous and improved state,
when ingenious men will probably attempt to explore those subterranean
riches, which as yet lie neglected. Mineral water has been found in
several parts, and such springs will help both to lead men to the
important discovery, and animate them with the hopes of success.

The province of Georgia, with respect to improvement, still remained
little better than a wilderness, and the vast expence it had cost the
mother country might perhaps have been laid out to greater advantage in
other parts of the continent. In the government of that colony John
Ellis, a Fellow of the Royal Society, succeeded Captain John Reynolds.
The rich swamps on the sides of the rivers lay uncultivated; and the
planters had not yet found their way into the interior parts of the
country, where the lands not only exceeded those in the maritime parts in
fertility, but where the climate was also more healthy and pleasant.
Excepting vagabonds and fraudulent debtors, who fled to them from
Carolina, few of the Georgians had any negroes to assist them in
cultivation; so that, in 1756, the whole exports of the country were 2997
barrels of rice, 9335 lb. of indigo, 268 lib. of raw silk, which,
together with skins, furs, lumber and provisions amounted only to 16,776
pounds sterling.

Although the hostilities which had commenced between Great Britain and
France still continued, yet both potentates remained averse from an open
declaration of war. William Lyttleton, now Lord Westcot, being appointed
governor of South Carolina, in his way through the Bay of Biscay, was
intercepted by a French squadron under the command of Count de Guay, and
carried into France; but an order from the French court came to release
the ship, and permit the Governor to return to England. The British
commanders at sea indeed had orders to seize all French ships and bring
them into port, yet as some hopes of an accommodation still remained, the
crews were only confined, and the cargoes remained entire. But so soon as
the news of the bare-faced invasions of our dominions in the
Mediterranean, joined with the many encroachments in America, had reached
the British court, all prospects of an accommodation vanished at once,
and war was publicly declared against France on the 17th of May, 1756.

Before the end of that year William Pitt, who had long been distinguished
in the House of Commons for a bold and powerful orator, was called to the
helm, and to his uncommon popularity added the whole influence of
administration. After his preferment such bold plans of operation were
introduced to the council, as were calculated at once to rouze the
British nation and to alarm her enemies. The city of London, having the
greatest confidence in the spirit and abilities of the minister, poured
in its treasures to his assistance, and so great were his resources, that
his schemes, however vast, never failed for want of money. From this
period vigour and decision attended almost every warlike enterprize; a
martial spirit pervaded the navy and army, and every officer seemed
emulous of distinction and glory in the service of his country. This new
minister gave the enemy so much employment, that for the future they had
scarce time to breathe, and extended the powerful arm of Britain from the
centre to the extremities of the empire.

In America John Earl of London had been appointed commander in chief; but
such was the state of affairs on that continent, that all he could do was
not sufficient to prevent the encroachments of the enemy. So disunited
were the provincials, and so different were their principles, views and
interests, that each colony seemed concerned only for its own defence,
and determined to act independent of its neighbour; while the French were
firmly united under one commander in chief, the Governor of Canada. Lord
Loudon plainly saw that nothing remained for him to achieve, and
therefore pitched his camp at Albany, and there determined to continue
with his little army on the defensive, until a reinforcement should
arrive from Britain. The French still wore the laurel, and triumphed in
the forest, having every possible advantage their heart could desire from
the divided state of British America.

But although the campaign under Lord Loudon was opened under many
disadvantages, this gallant officer was not idle during the year. Having
made himself master of the state of affairs on the continent, he
perceived that the French, though united and strong, were nevertheless
vulnerable, and drew up a plan of operations for the ensuing campaign,
which he transmitted to the minister in Britain. Immediately preparations
were made for carrying it into execution. It had been proposed to raise
some regiments in America, but the levies went on slowly. As many of the
colonists fit for service were foreigners, and only understood their
native language, it was thought proper to allow them foreign officers to
command them upon their taking the oaths to government, which contributed
not a little to the more speedy completion of the Royal American
regiments.

[Sidenote: The British forces augmented.]

Early in the year following a considerable reinforcement from Britain
arrived at New York. The Indians in alliance with us were furnished with
arms, and encouraged to join the army. Among the British forces sent out
there was a regiment of Highlanders, who were in many respects well
qualified for the service. It is impossible to describe how much the
savages were delighted with the dress, manners and music of this
regiment. Their sprightly manner of dancing, their dexterity in the use
of arms, and natural vivacity and intrepidity, the savages greatly
admired, and expressed a strong inclination for attending the Scotch
warriors to the field. To prevent them from joining the enemy it was not
only necessity to employ those warriors, but it was thought they might be
rendered useful for scouring the dark thickets before the regular army.
Lieutenant Kennedy, to encourage them, entered into their humour, and, in
order to head them, dressed and painted himself like an Indian. They gave
him a squaw, and the nation to which she belonged having made him a king,
no small service was expected from the new alliance.

    [Sidenote] Their first success in America.

When General Abercrombie succeded Lord Loudon as commander in chief in
America, the British force being considerably augmented, bolder
enterprises were undertaken. It was agreed to attack the French
settlements in different places. Though this commander met with a sharp
repulse at Ticonderago, the French paid dear for this advantage by the
loss of Cape Breton, which opened the way into Canada. Fort Frontenac
next surrendered to Colonel Bradstreet, in which were found vast
quantities of provision and ammunition, that had been designed for the
French forces on the Ohio. The great loss sustained by the enemy at this
place facilitated the reduction of Fort Duquesne, against which General
Forbes was advancing with great vigilance and considerable force. This
fortress the enemy, after a few skirmishes, determined to abandon; and
having burnt their houses, and destroyed their works, fell down the Ohio
river in boats to their strong-holds erected beyond the Cherokee
mountains. No sooner was the British flag erected on Fort Duquesne, than
the numerous tribes of Indians came in and made their submission; and,
from a conviction of the superior valour and strength of the British
army, joined the conquerors. Although the enemy lost few men at this
place, yet their power in America received a heavy stroke by the division
of their force which the loss of it occasioned. All communication between
their settlements on the south parts and those of Canada being cut off,
they could no longer act in concert, and their future exertions were
rendered more feeble and ineffectual.

    [Sidenote] The cause of the Cherokee war.

However, the flight of this French garrison to the south promised little
good to Carolina. The scene of action was changed only from one place to
another, and the baleful influence of those active and enterprising
enemies soon appeared among the upper tribes of Cherokees. An unfortunate
quarrel with the Virginians helped to forward their designs, by opening
to them an easier access into the towns of the savages. In the different
expeditions against Fort Duquesne, the Cherokees, agreeable to treaty,
had sent considerable parties of warriors to the assistance of the
British army. As the horses in those parts run wild in the woods, it was
customary, both among Indians and white people on the frontiers, to lay
hold on them and appropriate them to their own purposes. While the
savages were returning home through the back parts of Virginia, many of
them having lost their horses, laid hold of such as came in their way,
never imagining that they belonged to any individual in the province. The
Virginians however, instead of asserting their right in a legal way,
resented the injury by force of arms, and killed twelve or fourteen of
the unsuspicious warriors, and took several more prisoners. The
Cherokees, with reason, were highly provoked at such ungrateful usage
from allies, whose frontiers they had helped to change from a field of
blood into peaceful habitations, and when they came home told what had
happened to their nation. The flame soon spread through the upper towns,
and those who had lost their friends and relations were implacable, and
breathed nothing but fury and vengeance against such perfidious friends.
In vain did the chieftains interpose their authority, nothing could
restrain the furious spirits of the young men, who were determined to
take satisfaction for the loss of their relations. The emissaries of
France among them added fuel to the flame, by telling them that the
English intended to kill every man of them, and make slaves of their
wives and children. They instigated them to bloodshed, and for that
purpose furnished them with arms and ammunition. The scattered families
on the frontiers of Carolina lay much exposed to scalping parties of
these savages, who commonly make no distinction of age or sex, but pour
their vengeance indiscriminately on the innocent and guilty.

The garrison of Fort Loudon, consisting of about two hundred men, under
the command of Captains Demere and Stuart, first discovered the ill
humour in which the Cherokee warriors returned from the northern
expedition. The soldiers, as usual, making excursions into the woods, to
hunt for fresh provisions, were attacked by them, and some of them were
killed. From this time such dangers threatened the garrison, that every
one was confined within the small boundaries of the fort. All
communication with the distant settlement from which they received
supplies being cut off, and the soldiers being but poorly provided, had
no other prospects left but those of famine or death. Parties of young
Indians took the field, and, rushing down among the settlements, murdered
and scalped a number of people on the frontiers.

    [Sidenote] Governor Lyttleton prepares to march against them.

The commanding officer at Fort Prince George having received intelligence
of those acts of hostility, dispatched a messenger to Charlestown to
inform Governor Lyttleton that the Cherokees were gone to war, and that
it would be necessary speedily to warn the people of their danger. In
consequence of which orders were given to the commanders of the militia
immediately to collect their men, and stand in a posture of defence,
while the Governor was making preparations in Charlestown for marching
against them, in order to give a speedy check to their progress. Parties
of the independent companies were brought to Charlestown for this
purpoise. The militia of the country had orders to rendezvous at
Congarees, where the Governor, with such a force as he could procure from
the lower parts, resolved to join them, and march to the relief of the
frontier settlements.

    [Sidenote] The Cherokees sue for peace.

No sooner had the Cherokees heard of these warlike preparations at
Charlestown, than thirty-two of their chiefs set out for that place; in
order to settle all differences, and prevent if possible a war with the
Carolineans. For although they could not restrain some of their young men
from acts of violence, yet the nation in general was still inclined to
friendship and peace. As they arrived at Charlestown before the Governor
had set out on the intended expedition, a council was called, and the
chiefs being sent for, Mr. Lyttleton, among other things, told them,
"That he was well acquainted with all the acts of hostility of which
their people had been guilty, and likewise those they intended against
the English, and enumerated some of them; then he added, That he would
soon be in their country, where he would let them know his demands, and
the satisfaction he required, which he would certainly take if they
refused it. As they had come to Charlestown to treat with him as friends,
they should go home in safety, and not a hair of their head should be
touched; but as he had many warriors in arms in different parts of the
province, he could not be answerable for what might happen to them unless
they marched along with his army." After this speech Occonostota, who was
distinguished by the name of the Great Warrior of the Cherokee nation,
began to speak by way of reply; but the Governor being determined that
nothing should prevent his military expedition, declared, he would hear
no talk he had to make, neither in vindication of his nation, nor any
proposals with regard to peace. Lieutenant-Governor Bull, who was better
acquainted with the manners of Indians, and the dangers to which the
province would be exposed from a war with them, urged the necessity of
hearing the Great Warrior, and the happy consequences of an agreement
before more blood was spilt. But Mr. Lyttleton remained inflexible, and
put an end to the conference; with which behaviour the chiefs, however,
were not a little displeased. For as they had travelled so far to obtain
peace, and, after all, to be not only denied liberty to speak, but also
to be disappointed with respect to the chief end of their journey,
chagrined them much, and created many uneasy fears and suspicions.

    [Sidenote] Governor Lyttleton marches against the Cherokees.

A few days after holding this conference with the chieftains the governor
set out for Congarees, the place of general rendezvous for the militia,
and about one hundred and forty miles distant from Charlestown, where he
mustered in all about one thousand four hundred men. To this place the
Cherokees marched along with the army, and were to appearance contented,
but in reality burning with fury and resentment. When the army moved from
the Congarees, the chieftains, very unexpectedly, were all made
prisoners, and, to prevent their escape to the nation, a captain's guard
was mounted over them, and in this manner they were obliged to march to
Fort Prince George. Being not only deprived of their liberty, which an
Indian values above all things, but also compelled to accompany an enemy
going against their families and friends, they could now no longer
conceal their resentment. They turned exceedingly sullen, and shewed that
they were stung to the heart by such base treatment. The breach of
promise an Indian holds an atrocious crime. To requite good intended with
real evil, they with reason deemed an unpardonable injury. But what
compleated the ill usage, the thirty-two Indians, upon the arrival of the
army at Fort Prince George, were all shut up in a hut scarcely sufficient
for the accommodation of six soldiers, where they spent their time in
concerting plots for obtaining their liberty, and satisfaction for the
injuries done them.

    [Sidenote] Holds a congress a Fort Prince George.

Governor Lyttleton's little army being not only ill armed and
disciplined, but also discontented and mutinous, he therefore judged it
dangerous to proceed farther into the enemy's country. Having beforehand
sent for Attakullakulla, who was esteemed both the wisest man of the
nation and the most steady friend of the English, to meet him at Fort
Prince George, this warrior hastened to his camp from an excursion
against the French, in which he had taken some prisoners, one of whom he
presented to the Governor. Mr Lyttleton knew, that, for obtaining a
re-establishment of peace, there was not a man in the whole nation better
disposed to assist him than this old warrior, though it was observed that
he cautiously avoided making any offer of satisfaction. But so small was
his influence among the Cherokees at this time, that they considered him
as no better than an old woman on account of his attachment to their
English enemies, and his aversion from going to war against them.

    [Sidenote] His speech to Attakullakulla.

About the 18th of December, 1759, the Governor held a congress with this
warrior, and by an interpreter spoke to him to the following effect: "You
told me yesterday that you had a good talk to make, and expected the same
from me. You know it is the will of the great King that his subjects and
your people should live together in friendship, and you have said you
desire not to break the chain thereof. It is a chain which our most
gracious sovereign holds at one end, and you hold at the other. You know
that, in order to keep this chain from contracting rust, and hinder it
from being broken, it was necessary certain conditions should be made;
and as all acts of the great king are kept till time shall be no more, so
I now have in my hand those very conditions made with you and your
people. It was agreed, that if an Indian should kill an Englishman, he
shall be delivered up to be punished as the law requires. This was the
ancient talk of our fathers and your fathers, and when King George took
your nation under his protection he so ordered it for the future. This
treaty has been since renewed by several of our King's governors of this
province from time to time. It was the mercy of the great King that this
way of restitution should be established, to prevent a war which might
destroy your nation; whereas, at any time, by delivering up of the guilty
person, the innocent might escape, and your people be suffered to live in
friendship with ours.

"In the month of November, 1758, six deputies from your nation came to
Charlestown, to make up all differences between our people and yours.
They did then engage to observe the words of the treaty I have here, and
which you know are the same with those formerly made by the great King.
They received a large quantity of goods as a full compensation for the
injuries done them by white people, and did solemnly promise to continue
in strict friendship with all the King's subjects. Notwithstanding which
they went to Statiquo under Moytoy and killed many white men, though no
provocation had been given them. Thereupon I demanded satisfaction,
according to the words of the great King, but they have given me none. As
King Gorge loves mercy better than war, I was willing to wait; and while
our people lay quietly in their houses, the Indians came, killed and
scalped them. Last of all they put to death three men in the Upper
nation, and drove our people, who lived in their towns to furnish them
with goods, into the forts. As you know that your people have been guilty
of all these crimes, and many more, I expected you would not only come
down with a good talk, but also would have offered satisfaction for them.
I am now come here with a great number of warriors, to take that
satisfaction I have more than once demanded. Perhaps some of you thought,
that, as our people put up with such injuries, they were apprehensive of
your power; but you shall now see that this was owing to their patience,
and not to their want of resolution. You know well the strength of our
province, and that one third part of it is sufficient to destroy your
nation. Besides, the white people in all the provinces are brothers, and
linked together: we come not alone against you because we have suffered,
for the Virginians and North Carolineans are prepared to march against
you, unless satisfaction be given me. My brother the Governor of Georgia
will also prevent any ammunition from coming to you. Some time ago you
sent to Virginia, offering to trade with that province, and goods were on
their way to you which I have stopt and they shall not proceed hither
until I send directions for them. It is not necessary for me to say more
to you, until you make satisfaction for killing the white people.

"Attakullakulla, you have been in England, and seen the power of the
great King, and the number of his warriors. You also know, that, during
these five years and more, we have been at war with the French, who were
once numerous over all parts of America. You know I disdain to tell you a
falsehood, and I will now inform you what success our army has had. Some
of the last ships that arrived at Charlestown brought me a good deal of
news. Our fleet has taken many ships of war belonging to the French. A
messenger has arrived with an account that the great city of Quebec is
reduced, as also, that the warriors of the great king have taken all the
forts on the lakes and upon the Ohio, and beat down all things in their
way, as a hurricane would have done in its passage. The Indians in those
parts, fearing his power, have made their peace with the great King. The
Delawares, Shawanese, and all of them that live near Fort Duquesne, have
desired to be in friendship with us. The Choctaws also beg to be received
under the King's protection by his beloved man Mr. Aitken, upon which a
great number of traders are gone into their country with all sorts of
goods. If you will not believe what I say, and imagine that the French
are able to supply you with the necessaries which you want, you will be
deceived, for they themselves are starving, and so much undone that they
cannot furnish a blanket or a gun to the Choctaws, much less to you, who
are removed at so great a distance from them.

"These things I have mentioned to show you that the great King will not
suffer his people to be destroyed without satisfaction, and to let you
know the people of this province are determined to have it. What I say is
with a merciful intention. If I make war with you, you will suffer for
your rashness; your men will be destroyed, and your women and children
carried into captivity. What few necessaries you now have will soon be
done, and you will get no more. But if you give the satisfaction I shall
ask, the trade will be again opened with you, and all things go right. I
have twice given you a list of the murderers; I will now tell you there
are twenty-four men of your nation whom I demand to be delivered up to
me, to be put to death, or otherwise disposed of as I shall think fit.
Your people have killed that number of ours and more, therefore it is the
least I will accept of. I shall give you till to-morrow morning to
consider of it, and then I shall expect your answer. You know best the
Indians concerned; several gangs at different times have been out, and I
expect the twenty-four you shall deliver up will be those who have
committed the murders."

    [Sidenote] Attakullakulla's answer.

To this long speech Attakullakulla replied in words to the following
effect: "That he remembered the treaties mentioned, as he had a share in
making them: He owned the kindness of the province of South Carolina, but
complained much of the bad treatment his countrymen had received in
Virginia, which, he said, was the immediate cause of our present
misunderstanding: That he had always been the firm friend of the English,
of which he hoped his late fatiguing march against their enemies the
French was a sufficient proof: That he would ever continue such, and
would use all the influence he had to persuade his countrymen to give the
Governor the satisfaction he demanded, though he believed it neither
would nor could be complied with, as they had no coercive authority one
over another: He desired the Governor to release some of the head men
then confined in the fort to assist him; and added, that he was pleased
to hear of the successes of his brothers the English, but could not help
mentioning, that they shewed more resentment against the Cherokees than
they had used to other nations that had disobliged them; that he
remembered some years ago several white people belonging to Carolina were
killed by the Choctaws, for whom no satisfaction had either been given or
demanded."

    [Sidenote] A treaty concluded with six chiefs.

Agreeable to the request of Attakullakulla, the Governor released
Occonostota, Fiftoe the chief man of Keowee town, and the head warrior of
Estaloe, who next day delivered up two Indians, whom Mr. Lyttleton
ordered to be put in irons. After which all the Cherokees present, who
knew their connections to be weak, being alarmed, fled out of the way, so
that it was impossible to complete the number demanded. Attakullakulla,
being then convinced that peace could not be obtained on such terms as
the Governor required, resolved to go home and patiently wait the event;
but no sooner was Mr. Lyttleton made acquainted with his departure, than
he dispatched a messenger after him to bring him back to his camp; and
being desirous of finishing the campaign with as much credit as possible,
immediately on his return began to treat of peace. Accordingly a treaty
was drawn up and signed by the Governor and six of the head men; in which
it was agreed, that those twenty-two chieftains of the Cherokees should
be kept as hostages confined in the fort, until the same number of
Indians guilty of murder be delivered up to the commander in chief of the
province; that trade should be opened and carried on as usual; that the
Cherokees should kill, or take every Frenchman prisoner, who should
presume to come into their nation during the continuance of the war; and
that they should hold no intercourse with the enemies of Great Britain,
but should apprehend every person, white or red, found among them, that
may be endeavouring to set the English and Cherokees at variance, and
interrupt the friendship and peace established between them.

After having concluded this treaty with the Cherokees, the Governor
resolved to return to Charlestown. But whether the Indians who put their
mark to it understood the articles of agreement or not, we cannot pretend
to affirm; one thing is certain, that few or none of the nation afterward
paid the smallest regard to it. The treacherous act of confining their
chiefs, against whom no charge could be brought, and who had travelled
several hundred miles in order to obtain peace for their nation, had made
a strong impression on their minds, but particularly on that of
Occonostota, who breathed nothing but fury and vengeance against such
false friends. Instead of permitting them to return home without hurting
a hair of their head, as the Governor promised in Charlestown, they were
close confined in a miserable hut, having permission neither to see their
friends nor even the light of day. It was said they were kept only as
hostages, until the number of criminals he demanded was completed by
their nation; but if they were robbed of their liberty, it was of little
consequence to them under what denomination they were confined. It was
said to be done by the consent of the nation, as six of its chiefs had
signed the articles of peace; but in whatever light we view the act, it
appears to be one of those base and unjustifiable advantages which policy
and craft commonly take of the weakness and simplicity of more
unfortunate neighbours; and nothing less could have been expected, than
that these wild and independent warriors would resent such base and
unmerited usage on the first opportunity that offered.

    [Sidenote] The Governor returns to Charlestown.

Scarcely had Governor Lyttleton concluded the treaty of Fort Prince
George when the small-pox, which was raging in an adjacent Indian town,
broke out in his camp. As few of his little army had ever gone through
that distemper, and as the surgeons were totally unprovided for such an
accident, his men were struck with terror, and in great haste returned to
the settlements, cautiously avoiding all intercourse one with another,
and suffering much from hunger and fatigue by the way. The Governor
followed them, and arrived in Charlestown about the beginning of the year
1760. Though not a drop of blood had been spilt during the expedition, he
was received like a conqueror, with the greatest demonstrations of joy.
Addresses the most flattering were presented to him by the different
societies and professions, and bonefires and illuminations testified the
high sense the inhabitants entertained of his merit and services, and the
happy consequences which they believed would result from his expedition.

    [Sidenote] The treaty of peace broken

However, those rejoicings on account of the peace were scarcely over,
when the news arrived that fresh hostilities hod been committed, and the
Governor was informed that the Cherokees had killed fourteen men within a
mile of Fort Prince George. The Indians had contracted an invincible
antipathy to Captain Coytmore, the officer whom Mr. Lyttleton had left
commander of that fort. The treatment they had received at Charlestown,
but especially the imprisonment of their chiefs, had now converted their
former desire of peace into the bitterest rage for war. Occonostota, a
chieftain of great influence, had become a most implacable and vindictive
enemy to Carolina, and determined to repay treachery with treachery.
Having gathered a strong party of Cherokees, he surrounded Fort Prince
George, and compelled the garrison to keep within their works; but
finding that he could make no impression on the fort, nor oblige the
commander to surrender, he contrived the following stratagem for the
relief of his countrymen confined in it.

    [Sidenote] Occonostota's stratagem for killing the officer of the
    fort.

As that country was every where covered with woods, he placed a party of
savages in a dark thicket by the river side, and then sent an Indian
woman, whom he knew to be always welcome at the fort, to inform the
commander that he had something of consequence to communicate to him, and
would be glad to speak with him at the river side. Captain Coytmore
imprudently consented, and without any suspicions of danger walked down
towards the river, accompanied by Lieutenants Bell and Foster.
Occonostota appearing on the opposite side, told him he was going to
Charlestown to procure a release of the prisoners, and would he glad of a
white man to accompany him as a safeguard; and, the better to cover his
dark design, had a bridle in his hand, and added, he would go and hunt
for a horse to him. The captain replied, that he should have a guard, and
wished he might find a horse, as the journey was very long. Upon which
the Indian, turning quickly about, swung the bridle thrice round his
head, as a signal to the savages placed in ambush, who instantly fired on
the officers, shot the captain dead on the spot, and wounded the other
two. In consequence of which orders were given to put the hostages in
irons, to prevent any farther danger from them. But while the soldiers
were attempting to execute their orders, the Indians stabbed the first
man who had hold of them with a knife, and wounded two more; upon which
the garrison, exasperated to the highest degree, fell on the unfortunate
hostages, and butchered them in a manner too shocking to relate.

    [Sidenote] The war becomes general.

There were few men in the Cherokee nation that did not lose a friend or a
relation by this massacre, and therefore with one voice all immediately
declared for war. The leaders in every town seized the hatchet, telling
their followers that the spirits of murdered brothers were flying around
them, and calling out for vengeance on their enemies. From the different
towns large parties of warriors took the field, painted in the most
formidable manner, and arrayed with all their instruments of death. All
sang the song of war, and burning with impatience to imbrue their hands
in the blood of their enemies, rushed down among innocent and defenceless
families on the frontiers of Carolina, where men, women and children,
without distinction, fell a sacrifice to their merciless fury. Such as
fled to the woods, and escaped the scalping-knife, perished with hunger;
and those whom they made prisoners were carried into the wilderness,
where they suffered inexpressible hardships. Every day brought fresh
accounts to the capital of their ravages, murders and desolations. But
while the back settlers impatiently looked to their Governor for relief,
the small-pox raged to such a degree in town, that few of the militia
could be prevailed on to leave their distressed families to serve the
public. In this extremity an express was sent to General Amherst, the
commander in chief in America, acquainting him with the deplorable
situation of the province, and imploring his assistance in the most
pressing terms. Accordingly a battalion of Highlanders, and four
companies of the Royal Scots, under the command of Colonel Montgomery,
now Earl of Eglinton, were ordered immediately to embark, and sail for
the relief of Carolina.

In the mean time William Lyttleton being appointed Governor of Jamaica,
the charge of the province devolved on William Bull, a man of great
integrity and erudition. Application was made to the neighbouring
provinces of North Carolina and Virginia for relief, and seven troops of
rangers were raised to patrole the frontiers, and prevent the savages
from penetrating farther down among the settlements. A considerable sum
was voted for presents to such of the Creeks, Chickesaws and Catabaws as
should join the province and go to war against the Cherokees. Provisions
were sent to the families that had escaped to Augusta and Fort Moore, and
the best preparations possible made for chastising their enemy, so soon
as the regulars coming from New York should arrive in the province.

    [Sidenote] Colonel Montgomery arrives.

Before the end of April, 1760, Colonel Montgomery landed in Carolina, and
encamped at Monk's Corner. Great was the joy of the province upon the
arrival of this gallant officer; but as the conquest of Canada was the
grand object of this year's campaign in America, he had orders to strike
a sudden blow for the relief of Carolina, and return to head quarters at
Albany without loss of time. Nothing was therefore omitted that was
judged necessary to forward the expedition. Several gentlemen of fortune,
excited by a laudable zeal for the safety of their country, formed
themselves into a company of volunteers, and joined the army. The whole
force of the province was collected, and ordered to rendezvous at
Congarees. Waggons, carts and horses were impressed for the service of
his Majesty, and the colonists flattered themselves with the hopes that
they would now be able to punish the insolence of their barbarous
enemies.

    [Sidenote] And marches against the Cherokees.

A few weeks after his arrival Colonel Montgomery marched to the
Congarees, where he was joined by the internal strength of the province,
and immediately set out for the Cherokee country. For a guide he was
provided with an half-blooded Indian, who was well acquainted with the
roads though the woods, and the passages through the rivers. Having
little time allowed him, his march was uncommonly spirited and
expeditious. After reaching a place called Twelve-mile River, he encamped
on an advantageous ground, and marched with a party of his men in the
night to surprize Estatoe, an Indian town about twenty miles from his
camp. The first noise he heard by the way was the barking of a dog before
his men, where he was informed there was an Indian town called Little
Keowee, which he ordered the light infantry to surround, and, except
women and children, to put every Indian in it to the sword. Having done
this piece of service, he proceeded to Estatoe, which he found abandoned
by all the savages, excepting a few who had not had time to make their
escape. This town, which consisted of at least two hundred houses, and
was well provided with corn, hogs, poultry, and ammunition, he reduced to
ashes. Sugar Town, and every other settlement in the lower nation,
afterwards shared the same fate. The surprize to every one of them was
nearly equal; for as the army darted upon them like lightning, the
savages could scarcely save themselves, far less any little property that
they had. In these lower towns about sixty Indians were killed and forty
made prisoners, and the rest driven to seek for shelter among the
mountains. Having finished his business among these lower settlements
with the small loss of three or four men, he then marched to the relief
of Fort Prince George, which had been for some time invested by savages,
insomuch that no soldier durst venture beyond the bounds of the fort, and
where the garrison was in distress, not for the want of provisions, but
of wood to prepare them.

    [Sidenote] Chastises them near Etchoe.

While the army rested at Fort Prince George, Edmund Atkin, agent for
Indian affairs, dispatched two Indian chiefs to the middle settlements,
to inform the Cherokees that by suing for peace they might obtain it, as
the former friends and allies of Britain. At the same time he sent a
messenger to Fort Loudon, requesting Captains Demere and Stuart, the
commanding officers at that place, to use their best endeavours for
obtaining peace with the Cherokees in the upper towns. Colonel Montgomery
finding that the savages were as yet disposed to listen to no terms of
accommodation, determined to carry the chastisement a little farther.
Dismal was the wilderness into which he entered, and many were the
hardships and dangers he had to encounter, from dark thickets, rugged
paths, and narrow passes; in which a small body of men, properly posted,
might harass and tire out the bravest army that ever took the field.
Having on all hands suspicious grounds, he found occasion for constant
vigilance and circumspection. While he was piercing through the thick
forest he had numberless difficulties to surmount, particularly from
rivers fordable only at one place, and overlooked by high banks on each
side, where an enemy might attack him with advantage, and retreat with
safety. When he had advanced within five miles of Etchoe, the nearest
town in the middle settlements, he found there a low valley, covered so
thick with bushes that the soldiers could scarcely see three yards before
them, and in the middle of which there was a muddy river, with steep clay
banks. Through this dark place, where it was impossible for any number of
men to act together, the army must necessarily march; and therefore
Captain Morison, who commanded a company of rangers, well acquainted with
the woods, had orders to advance and scour the thicket. He had scarcely
entered it, when a number of savages sprung from their lurking den, and
firing on them, killed the captain and wounded several of his party. Upon
which the light infantry and grenadiers were ordered to advance and
charge the invisible enemy, which they did with great courage and
alacrity. A heavy fire then began on both sides, and during some time the
soldiers could only discover the places where the savages were hid by the
report of their guns. Colonel Montgomery finding that the number of
Indians that guarded this place was great, and that they were determined
obstinately to dispute it, ordered the Royal Scots, who were in the rear,
to advance between the savages and a rising ground on the right, while
the Highlanders marched towards the left to sustain the light infantry
and grenadiers. The woods now resounded with horrible shouts and yells,
but these, instead of intimidating the troops, seemed rather to inspire
them with double firmness and resolution. At length the savages gave way,
and in their retreat falling in with the Royal Scots, suffered
considerably before they got out of their reach. By this time the Royals
being in the front and the Highlanders in the rear, the enemy stretched
away and took possession of a hill, seemingly disposed to keep at a
distance, and always retreating as the army advanced. Colonel Montgomery
perceiving that they kept aloof, gave orders to the line to face about,
and march directly for the town of Etchoe. The enemy no sooner observed
this movement, than they got behind the hill, and ran to alarm their
wives and children. During the action, which lasted above an hour,
Colonel Montgomery, who made several narrow escapes, had twenty men
killed, and seventy-six wounded. What number the enemy lost is uncertain,
but some places were discovered into which they had thrown several of
their slain, from which it was conjectured that they must have lost a
great number, as it is a custom among them to carry their dead off the
field. Upon viewing the ground, all were astonished to see with what
judgment and skill they had chosen it. Scarcely could the most
experienced officer have fixed upon a spot more advantageous for
way-laying and attacking an enemy, according to the method of fighting
practised among the Indian nations.

    [Sidenote] And returns to Fort Prince George.

This action, though it terminated much in favour of the British army, had
nevertheless reduced it to such a situation as made it very imprudent, if
not altogether impracticable, to penetrate farther into those woods. The
repulse was far from being decisive, for the enemy had only retired from
one to another advantageous situation, in order to renew their attack
when the army should again advance. Humanity would not suffer the
commander to leave so many wounded men exposed to the vengeance of
savages, without any strong-hold in which he might lodge them, or some
detachment, which he could not spare, to protect them. Should he proceed
farther, he saw plainly that he must expect frequent skirmishes, which
would increase the number, and the burning of so many Indian towns would
be a poor compensation for the great risque and perhaps wanton sacrifice
of so many valuable lives. To furnish horses for the men already wounded
obliged him to throw so many bags of flour into the river, and what
remained was no more than sufficient for his army during their return to
Fort Prince George. Orders were therefore given for a retreat, which was
made with great regularity, although the enemy continued hovering around
them, and annoying them to the utmost of their power. A large train of
wounded men was brought above sixty miles through a hazardous country in
safety, for which no small share of honour and praise was due to the
officer that conducted the retreat. Never did men endure greater
hardships and fatigues with fewer complaints than this little army during
the expedition. Such confidence did they repose in their leader, that
they seemed to despise all difficulties and dangers which he shared along
with them in the service of their King and country.

    [Sidenote] The consternation of the inhabitants from Indians.

After Colonel Montgomery had returned to the settlements, and was
preparing to embark for New York, agreeable to his orders from General
Amherst, the Carolineans were again thrown under the most dreadful
apprehensions from the dangers which hung over the province. This appears
from the following address of the General Assembly, presented to
Lieutenant-Governor Bull on the 11th of July, 1760. "We, his Majesty's
most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons House of Assembly of this
province, return your Honour our sincere thanks for the advices you have
been pleased to communicate to us in the morning; and being deeply
affected with the contents of Colonel Grant's letter, which imports, that
Colonel Montgomery will soon embark with his Majesty's troops under his
command to join General Amherst; humbly beg leave to represent to your
Honour, that we apprehend the province to be in a much more dangerous
situation at this juncture, than it was at the time when the said troops
arrived here; as the Upper Creek Indians have since murdered several
English traders in their towns, and made no offer to give up the
murderers, or make any other satisfaction whatever; whence we have the
greatest reason to believe they will soon break out into open war. And by
what is mentioned in Colonel Grant's letter, we fear that our implacable
enemies the French have already spirited up and prevailed with the
Choctaws to assist the Cherokees against us. And notwithstanding the
present rupture with the Cherokees has cost the province, in less than
nine months, near 50,000 pounds sterling, yet all our endeavours to raise
a number of forces capable of preventing the Cherokees from ravaging the
back settlements have proved ineffectual. This being the situation of the
province when we had only the Cherokees to contend with, how deplorable
then must our case be, should Colonel Montgomery depart with the King's
troops under his command, and we have the united attacks of the
Cherokees, Creeks and Choctaws, (the three most powerful nations of
Indians on the continent), to repel, can be better imagined than
described. Being truely sensible of your Honour's good inclinations to
render every service in your power to this province, we unanimously
intreat your Honour to use the most pressing instances with Colonel
Montgomery not to depart with the King's troops, as it may be attended
with the most pernicious consequences." Accordingly the
Lieutenant-Governor having given the Colonel the fullest view of those
extensive dangers to which the province after his departure would be
exposed, prevailed with him to leave four companies of the royal
regiment, under the command of Major Frederick Hamilton, for covering the
frontiers, while he embarked with the battalion of Highlanders, and
sailed for New York.

    [Sidenote] Great distress of the garrison at Fort Loudon.
    [Sidenote] The terms obtained for the garrison.

In the mean time the distant garrison of Fort Loudon, consisting of two
hundred men, was reduced to the dreadful alternative of perishing by
hunger or submitting to the mercy of the enraged Cherokees. The Governor
having information that the Virginians had undertaken to relieve it, for
a while seemed satisfied, and anxiously waited to hear the news of that
happy event. But the Virginians were equally ill qualified with their
neighbours of Carolina to send them any assistance. So remote was the
fort from every settlement, and so difficult was it to march an army
through the barren wilderness, where the various thickets were lined with
enemies, and to carry at the same time sufficient supplies along with
them, that the Virginians had dropped all thoughts of the attempt.
Provisions being entirely exhausted at Fort Loudon, the garrison was
reduced to the most deplorable situation. For a whole month they had no
other subsistence but the flesh of lean horses and dogs, and a small
supply of Indian beans, which some friendly Cherokee women procured for
them by stealth. Long had the officers endeavoured to animate and
encourage the men with the hopes of relief; but now being blockaded night
and day by the enemy, and having no resource left, they threatened to
leave the fort, and die at once by the hands of savages, rather than
perish slowly by famine. In this extremity the commander was obliged to
call a council of war, to consider what was proper to be done; when the
officers were all of opinion that it was impossible to hold out any
longer, and therefore agreed to surrender the fort to the Cherokees on
the best terms that could be obtained from them. For this purpose Captain
Stuart, an officer of great sagacity and address, and much beloved by all
the Indians that remained in the British interest, procured leave to go
to Chote, one of the principal towns in the neighbourhood, where he
obtained the following terms of capitulation, which were signed by the
commanding officer and two of the Cherokee chiefs. "That the garrison of
Fort Loudon march out with their arms and drums, each soldier having as
much powder and ball as their officer shall think necessary for their
march, and all the baggage they may chuse to carry: That the garrison be
permitted to march to Virginia, or Fort Prince George, as the commanding
officer shall think proper, unmolested; and that a number of Indians be
appointed to escort them, and hunt for provisions during their march:
That such soldiers as are lame, or by sickness disabled from marching, be
received into the Indian towns, and kindly used until they recover, and
then be allowed to return to Fort Prince George: That the Indians do
provide for the garrison as many horses as they conveniently can for
their march, agreeing with the officers and soldiers for payment: That
the fort great guns, powder, ball, and spare arms, be delivered to the
Indians without fraud or further delay, on the day appointed for the
march of the troops."

    [Sidenote] Treacherously broken by the savages.

Agreeable to those terms stipulated, the garrison delivered up the fort,
and marched out with their arms, accompanied by Occonostota, Judd's
friend, the prince of Chote, and several other Indians, and that day went
fifteen miles on their way to Fort Prince George. At night they encamped
on a plain about two miles from Taliquo, an Indian town, when all their
attendants, upon one pretence or another, left them; which the officers
considered as no good sign, and therefore placed a strict guard round
their camp. During the night they remained unmolested, but next morning
about break of day a soldier from an out-post came running in, and
informed them that he saw a vast number of Indians, armed, and painted in
the most dreadful manner, creeping among the bushes, and advancing in
order to surround them. Scarcely had the officer time to order his men to
stand to their arms, when the savages poured in upon them a heavy fire
from different quarters, accompanied with the most hideous yells, which
struck a panic into the soldiers, who were so much enfeebled and
dispirited that they were incapable of making any effectual resistance.
Captain Demere, with three other officers, and about twenty-five private
men, fell at the first onset. Some fled into the woods, and were
afterwards taken prisoners and confined among the towns in the valley.
Captain Stuart, and those that remained, were seized, pinioned, and
brought back to Fort Loudon. No sooner had Attakullakulla heard that his
friend Mr. Stuart had escaped, than he hastened to the fort, and
purchased him from the Indian that took him, giving him his rifle,
clothes, and all he could command, by way of ransom. He then took
possession of Captain Demere's house, where he kept his prisoner as one
of his family, and freely shared with him the little provisions his table
afforded, until a fair opportunity should offer for rescuing him from
their hands; but the poor soldiers were kept in a miserable state of
captivity for some time, and then redeemed by the province at a great
expence.

    [Sidenote] A proposal for attacking Fort Prince George.

During the time these prisoners were confined at Fort Loudon, Occonostota
formed a design of attacking Fort Prince George, and for this purpose
dispatched a messenger to the settlements in the valley, requesting all
the warriors there to join him at Stickoey old town. By accident a
discovery was made of ten bags of powder, and ball in proportion, which
the officers had secretly buried in the fort, to prevent their falling
into the enemy's hands. This discovery had nearly proved fatal to Captain
Stuart, and would certainly have cost him his life, had not the
interpreter had so much presence of mind as to assure the enemy that
these warlike stores had been concealed without his knowledge or consent.
The Indians having now abundance of ammunition for the siege, a council
was called at Chote, to which the captain was brought, and put in mind of
the obligations he lay under to them for sparing his life; and as they
had resolved to carry six cannon and two cohorns with them against Fort
Prince George, to be managed by men under his command, they told him he
must go and write such letters to the commandant as they should dictate
to him. They informed him at the same time, that if that officer should
refuse to surrender, they were determined to burn the prisoners one after
another before his face, and try if he could be so obstinate as to hold
out while he saw his friends expiring in the flames. Captain Stuart was
much alarmed at his situation, and from that moment resolved to make his
escape or perish in the attempt. His design he privately communicated to
Attakullakulla, and told him how uneasy he was at the thoughts of being
compelled to bear arms against his countrymen. He acknowledged that he
had always been a brother, and hoped he would assist him to get out of
his present perilous circumstances. The old warrior, taking him by the
hand, told him he was his friend, he had already given one proof of his
regard, and intended to give another so soon as his brother should return
and help him to concert the measure. He said he was well apprized of the
ill designs of his countrymen, and should he go and persuade the garrison
of Fort Prince George to do as he had done, what could he expect but that
they should share the same dismal fate. Strong and uncultivated minds
carry their friendship, as well as their enmity, to an astonishing pitch.
Among savages family friendship is a national virtue, and civilized
mortals may blush when they consider how much barbarians have often
surpassed them in the practice of it. The instance I am going to relate
is as singular and memorable as many that have been recorded in the
annals of past ages.

    [Sidenote] Captain Stuart escapes to Virginia.

Attakullakulla claimed Captain Stuart as his prisoner, and had resolved
to deliver him from danger and for this purpose there was no time to be
lost. Accordingly he gave out among his countrymen that he intended to go
a-hunting for a few days, and carry his prisoner along with him to eat
venison, of which he declared he was exceedingly fond. At the same time
the Captain went through among his soldiers, telling them that they could
never expect to be ransomed by the province, if they gave the smallest
assistance to the Indians against Fort Prince George. Having settled all
matters, they set out on their journey, accompanied by the warrior's
wife, his brother, and two soldiers, who were the only persons in the
garrison that knew how to convey great guns through the woods. For
provisions they depended on what they might kill by the way. The distance
to the frontier settlements was great, and the utmost expedition
necessary to prevent any surprize from Indians pursuing them. Nine days
and nights did they travel through a dreary wilderness, shaping their
course by the light of the sun and moon for Virginia, and traversing many
hills, valleys and paths that had never been crossed before but by
savages and wild beasts. On the tenth they arrived at the banks of
Holston's river, where they fortunately fell in with a party of three
hundred men, sent out by Colonel Bird for the relief of such soldiers as
might make their escape that way from Fort Loudon. On the fourteenth day
the Captain reached Colonel Bird's camp on the frontiers of Virginia,
where having loaded his faithful friend with presents and provisions, he
sent him back to protect the unhappy prisoners till they should be
ransomed, and to exert his influence among the Cherokees for the
restoration of peace.

No sooner had Captain Stuart made his escape from the hands of the
savages, than he immediately began to concert ways and means for the
relief of his garrison. An express was dispatched to Lieutenant-Governor
Bull, informing him of the sad disaster that had happened to the garrison
of Fort Loudon, and of the designs of the enemy against Fort Prince
George. In consequence of which orders were given to Major Thomson, who
commanded the militia on the frontiers, to throw in provisions for ten
weeks into that fort, and warn the commanding officer of his danger. At
the same time a messenger was sent to Attakullakulla desiring him to
inform the Cherokees that Fort George was impregnable, having vast
quantities of powder buried under ground every where around it, to blow
up all enemies that should attempt to come near it. Presents of
considerable value were sent to redeem the prisoners at Fort Loudon, a
few of whom had by this time made their escape; and afterwards not only
those that were confined among the towns in the valley, but also all that
had survived the hardships of hunger, disease and captivity in the upper
towns were released, and delivered up to the commanding officer at Fort
Prince George.

    [Sidenote] The war continues.

It might now have been expected that the vindictive spirit of the savages
would be satisfied, and that they would he disposed to listen to some
terms of accommodation. This treacherous conduct to the soldiers at Fort
Loudon, they intended as a satisfaction for the harsh treatment their
relations had met with at Fort Prince George; and dearly had the province
paid for the base imprisonment and horrid massacre of the chiefs at that
place. Still, however, a great majority of the nation spurned at every
offer of peace. The lower towns had all been destroyed by Colonel
Montgomery; the warriors in the middle settlements had lost many friends
and relations; and several Frenchmen had crept in among the uppertowns,
and helped to foment their ill humour against Carolina. Lewis Latinac, a
French officer, was among them, and proved an indefatigable instigator to
mischief. He persuaded the Indians that the English had nothing less in
view than to exterminate them from the face of the earth; and, furnishing
them with arms and ammunition, urged them on to war. At a great meeting
of the nation he pulled out his hatchet, and, striking it into a log of
wood, called out, Who is the man that will take this up for the King of
France? Saloue, the young warrior of Estatoe, instantly laid hold of it,
and cried out, "I am for war. The spirits of our brothers who have been
slain still call upon us to avenge their death. He is no better than a
woman that refuses to follow me." Many others seized the tomahawk, yet
dyed in British blood, and burnt with impatience for the field.

    [Sidenote] The Highlanders return to Carolina.

Under the flattering appearance of a calm were those clouds again
gathering; however, Lieutenant-Governor Bull, who knew well how little
Indians were to be trusted on any occasion, kept the Royal Scots and
militia on the frontiers in a posture of defence. But finding the
province still under the most dreadful apprehensions from their savage
neighbours, who continued insolent and vindictive, and ready to renew
their ravages and murders, he made application a second time to General
Amherst for assistance. Canada being now reduced; the commander in chief
could the more easily spare a force adequate to the purpose intended. The
brave Colonel Montgomery, who conducted the former expedition, having by
this time embarked for England, the command of the Highlanders devolved
on Lieutenant-Colonel James Grant, who received orders to return to the
relief of Carolina. Early in the year 1761 he landed at Charlestown,
where he took up his winter quarters, until the proper season should
approach for taking the field. Unfortunately during this time many of the
soldiers, by drinking brackish water, were taken sick, which afforded the
inhabitants an opportunity of showing their kindness and humanity. They
considered themselves, and with reason, under the strongest obligations
to treat men with tenderness, who came to protect them against their
enemies, and therefore they brought the sick soldiers into their houses,
and nursed them with the greatest care and attention.

In this campaign the province determined to exert itself to the utmost,
that, in conjunction with the regular forces, a severe correction might
be given to those troublesome savages. For this purpose a provincial
regiment was raised, and the command of it given to Colonel Middleton.
Presents were provided for the Indian allies, and several of the
Chickesaws and Catabaws engaged to assist them against the Cherokees. But
the Creeks, whose help was also strongly solicited, played an artful game
between the English and the French, and gave the one or the other
encouragement, according to the advantages they reaped from them. All
possible preparations were made for supplying the army with provisions at
different stages, and with such carts and horses as were thought
necessary to the expedition. Great had been the expence which this
quarrel with the Cherokees had already occasioned; now they flattered
themselves that by one resolute exertion more they would tire the savages
of war, and oblige them to accept of such terms of peace as they thought
proper to dictate.

As all white men in the province, of the military age, were soldiers as
well as citizens, and trained in some measure to the use of arms, it was
no difficult matter to complete the provincial regiment. Their names
being registered in the list of militia; on every emergency they were
obliged to be ready for defence, not only against the incursions of
Indians, but also against the insurrection of negroes; and although the
same prompt obedience to orders could not be expected from them that is
necessary in a regular army, yet the provincials had other advantages
which compensated for that defect. They were better acquainted than
strangers with the woods, and the nature of that country in which their
military service was required. They were seasoned to the climate, and had
learned from experience what clothes, meat and drink were most proper to
enable them to do their duty. In common occasions, when the militia was
called out, the men received no pay, but when employed, as in this
Cherokee war, for the public defence, they were allowed the same pay with
the King's forces.

    [Sidenote] Colonel Grant marches against the Cherokees.

So soon as the Highlanders had recovered from their sickness, and were in
a condition to take the field, Colonel Grant began his march for the
Cherokee territories. After being joined by the Provincial regiment and
Indian allies, he mustered in all about two thousand six hundred men.
Having served some years in America, and been in several engagements with
Indians, he was now no stranger to their methods of making war. He was
sensible how ready they were to take all advantages, by surprize,
stratagem, or otherwise, that the nature of their country afforded them.
Caution and vigilance were not only necessary on his part, but, to
prepare an army for such services, the dress, the arms, and discipline,
should all be adapted to the nature of the country, in order to give the
men every advantage, according to the Indian manner of attack. The eye
should be habituated to perpetual watchfulness, the body should be
clothed in green, the prevailing colour of the woods, that it may be
difficult to distinguish it, and equipped in such light armour as is
easiest managed in a thicket. The feet and legs should be fortified
against prickly briers and bushes, and those men who have been accustomed
to hunt in the woods, being quick-sighted, are best qualified for
scouring the dark thickets, and for guards to the main body. Europeans,
who are strangers to such things, are ill prepared for military services
in America. Many brave officers have suffered by inattention to them, and
being ignorant of the peculiar circumstances of the country, have fallen
a sacrifice to their own rashness, or the numberless snares to which they
are exposed in it.

On the 27th of May, 1761, Colonel Grant arrived at Fort Prince George,
and Attakullakulla, having got information that he was advancing against
his nation with a formidable army, hastened to his camp, to signify his
earnest desire of peace. He told the Colonel that he always had been, and
ever would continue to be, a firm friend to the English; that the
outrages of his countrymen covered him with shame, and filled his heart
with grief; yet nevertheless he would gladly interpose in their behalf,
in order to bring about an accommodation. Often, he said, had he been
called an old woman by the mad young men of his nation, who delighted in
war and despised his counsels. Often had he endeavoured to get the
hatchet buried, and the former good correspondence with the Carolineans
established. Now he was determined to set out for the Cherokee towns, to
persuade them to consult their safety, and speedily agree to terms of
peace, and again and again begged the Colonel to proceed no farther until
he returned.

    [Sidenote] Engages and defeats them.
    [Sidenote] Defeats them and destroys their towns.


Colonel Grant, however, gave him no encouragement to expect that his
request could be granted; but, on the 7th of June, began his march from
Fort Prince George, carrying with him provisions to the army for thirty
days. A party of ninety Indians, and thirty woodmen painted like Indians,
under the command of Captain Quintine Kennedy, had orders to march in
front and scour the woods. After them the light infantry and about fifty
rangers, consisting in all of about two hundred men, followed, by whose
vigilance and activity the commander imagined that the main body of the
army might be kept tolerably quiet and secure. For three days he made
forced marches, in order to get over two narrow and dangerous defiles,
which he accomplished without a shot from the enemy, but which might have
cost him dear, had they been properly guarded and warmly disputed. On the
day following he found suspicious ground on all hands, and therefore
orders were given for the first time to load and prepare for action, and
the guards to march slowly forward, doubling their vigilance and
circumspection. As they frequently spied Indians around them, all were
convinced that they should that day have an engagement. At length, having
advanced near to the place where Colonel Montgomery was attacked the year
before, the Indian allies in the van-guard, about eight in the morning,
observed a large body of Cherokees posted upon a hill on the right flank
of the army, and gave the alarm. Immediately the savages, rushing down,
began to fire on the advanced guard, which being supported, the enemy
were repulsed, and recovered their heights. Under this hill the line was
obliged to march a considerable way. On the left there was a river, from
the opposite banks of which a large party of Indians fired briskly on the
troops as they advanced. Colonel Grant ordered a party to march up the
hill and drive the enemy from the heights, while the line faced about and
gave their whole charge to the Indians that annoyed them from the side of
the river. The engagement became general, and the savages seemed
determined obstinately to dispute the lower grounds, while those on the
hill were dislodged only to return with redoubled ardour to the charge.
The situation of the troops was in several respects deplorable; fatigued
by a tedious march, in rainy weather, surrounded with woods, so that they
could not discern the enemy, galled by the scattered fire of savages, who
when pressed always kept aloof, but rallied again and again, and returned
to the ground. No sooner did the army gain an advantage over them in one
quarter, than they appeared in another. While the attention of the
commander was occupied in driving the enemy from their lurking-place on
the river's side, the rear was attacked, and so vigorous an effort made
for the flour and cattle, that he was obliged to order a party back to
the relief of the rear-guard. From eight o'clock in the morning until
eleven the savages continued to keep up an irregular and incessant fire,
sometimes from one place and sometimes from another, while the woods
resounded with hideous shouts and yells, to intimidate the troops. At
length the Cherokees gave way, and, being pursued for some time, popping
shots continued till two o'clock, when they disappeared. What loss the
enemy sustained in this action we have not been able to learn, but of
Colonel Grant's army there were between fifty and sixty men killed and
wounded; and it is probable the loss of the savages could not be much
greater, and perhaps not so great, owing to their manner of fighting.
Orders were given not to bury the slain, but to sink them in the river,
to prevent their being dug up from their graves and scalped. To provide
horses for those that were wounded, several bags of flour were thrown
into the river. After which the army proceeded to Etchoe, a pretty large
Indian town, which they reached about midnight, and next day reduced to
ashes. Every other town in the middle settlements, fourteen in number,
shared the same fate. Their magazines and corn fields were likewise
destroyed, and those miserable savages, with their families, were driven
to seek for shelter and provisions among the barren mountains.

It would be no easy matter to describe the various hardships which this
little army endured in the wilderness, from heat, thirst, watching,
danger and fatigue. Thirty days did Colonel Grant continue in the heart
of the Cherokee territories, and, upon his return to Fort Prince George,
the feet and legs of many of his army were so mangled, and their strength
and spirits so much exhausted, that they were utterly unable to march
farther. He resolved therefore to encamp at that place for a while, both
to refresh his men and wait the resolutions of the Cherokees, in
consequence of the heavy chastisement which they had received. Besides
the numberless advantages their country afforded for defence, it was
supposed that some French officers had been among them, and given them
all the assistance in their power. It is true the savages supported their
attack for some hours with considerable spirit; but being driven from
their advantageous posts and thickets they were wholly disconcerted, and
though the repulse was far from being decisive, yet after this engagement
they returned no more to the charge, but remained the tame spectators of
their towns in flames, and their country laid desolate.

Such engagements in Europe would be considered as trifling skirmishes,
scarcely worthy of relation, but in America a great deal is often
determined by them. It is no easy matter to describe the distress to
which the savages were reduced by this severe correction. Even in time of
peace they are destitute of that foresight, in a great measure, which
provides for future events; but in time of war, when their villages are
destroyed and their fields laid desolate, they are reduced to extreme
want. Being driven to the barren mountains, the hunters furnished with
ammunition might indeed make some small provision for themselves, but
women, children, and old men, must perish, being deprived of the means of
subsistence.

    [Sidenote] Peace with the Cherokees

A few days after Colonel Grant's arrival at Fort Prince George,
Attakullakulla, attended by several chieftains, came to his camp, and
expressed a desire of peace. Severely had they suffered for breaking
their alliance with Britain, and giving ear to the deceitful promises of
France. Convinced at last of the weakness and perfidy of the French, who
were neither able to assist them in time of war, nor supply their wants
in time of peace, they resolved to renounce all connection with them for
ever. Accordingly terms of peace were drawn up and proposed, which were
no less honourable to Colonel Grant than advantageous to the province.
The different articles being read and interpreted, Attakullakulla agreed
to them all excepting one, by which it was demanded, That four Cherokee
Indians be delivered up to Colonel Grant at Fort Prince George, to be put
to death in the front of his camp; or four green scalps be brought to him
in the space of twelve nights. The warrior having no authority from his
nation, declared he could not agree to this article, and therefore the
Colonel sent him to Charlestown, to see whether the Lieutenant-Governor
would consent to mitigate the rigour of it.

Accordingly Attakullakulla and the other chieftains, being furnished with
a safeguard, set out for Charlestown to hold a conference with Mr. Bull,
who, on their arrival, called a council to meet at Ashley Ferry, and then
spoke to the following effect. "Attakullakulla, I am glad to see you, and
as I have always heard of your good behaviour, that you have been a good
friend to the English, I take you by the hand, and not only you but all
those with you also, as a pledge for their security whilst under my
protection. Colonel Grant acquaints me that you have applied for peace;
now that you are come, I have met with my beloved men to hear what you
have to say, and my ears are open for that purpose." Then a fire was
kindled, the pipe of peace was lighted, and all smoked together for some
time in great silence and solemnity.

Then Attakullakulla arose, and addressed the Lieutenant-Governor and
Council to the following effect. "It is a great while since I last saw
your honour; now I am glad to see you, and all the beloved men present--I
am come to you as a messenger from the whole nation--I have now seen you,
smoked with you, and hope we shall live together as brothers.--When I
came to Keowee, Colonel Grant sent me to you--You live at the water side,
and are in light--We are in darkness, but hope all will be yet clear with
us.--I have been constantly going about doing good, and though I am
tired, yet I am come to see what can be done for my people, who are in
great distress." Here he produced the strings of wampum he had received
from the different towns, denoting their earnest desire of peace; and
then added, "As to what has happened, I believe it has been ordered by
our Father above.--We are of a different colour from the white
people--They are superior to us--But one God is father of all, and we
hope what is past will be forgotten.--God Almighty made all people--There
is not a day but some are coming into, and others are going out of, the
world.--The great King told me the path should never be crooked, but open
for every one to pass and repass.--As we all live in one land, I hope we
shall all live as one people." After which peace was formally ratified
and confirmed by both parties, and their former friendship being renewed,
all hoped that it would last as long as the sun shall shine and the
rivers run.

    [Sidenote] A quarrel between the commanding officers.

Thus ended the Cherokee war, which was among the last humbling strokes
given to the expiring power of France in North America, and Colonel Grant
returned to Charlestown to wait further orders. But no sooner was peace
concluded, and the province secured against external enemies, than an
unhappy difference broke out between the two principal commanders of the
regular and provincial forces. Colonel Grant, a native of Scotland, was
naturally of an high spirit, to which he added that pride of rank which
he held among those British soldiers who had carried their arms
triumphant through the continent. During this expedition it is probable
that he scorned to ask the advice of a provincial officer, whom he deemed
an improper judge of military operations, and claimed the chief glory of
having restored peace to the province. Colonel Middleton was equally warm
and proud, and considering such neglect as an affront, resented it, and
while some reflections were cast upon the provincial troops, being the
chief in command, he thought himself bound to stand forth as a champion
for the honour of the province. This ill-humour, which appeared between
the officers on their return to Charlestown, was encouraged and fomented
by persons delighting in broils, who, by malicious surmises and false
reports, helped to widen the difference. The dispute became serious, and
was carried on for some time in the public papers by mutual charges of
misconduct, and at length terminated in a duel. Mr. Middleton called out
Colonel Grant to the single combat, after they had both given the best
proof of their courage against the common enemy. The duel, however,
happily terminated without bloodshed, and not a little to the credit of
the Scots officer, though his antagonist shewed no less spirit in the
field of honour, falsely so called, than in defence of his country. The
citizens of Charlestown seemed interested in the dispute, and each spoke
of the conduct of the two officers as they were differently affected.
Indeed, however much we may applaud the brave man who is first in the
field in defence of his country, with justice we with-hold our praises
from him that is first at the single combat with a private friend.
Colonel Grant, with great reason, considered such treatment, after having
brought the enemies of the colony to the most advantageous terms of
peace, as a base recompence for his services. From this period a
party-spirit appeared in Carolina. All the malicious aspersions and
inflammatory accusations against the inhabitants of North Britain, which
were at this time wantonly and wickedly published in England, were
greedily swallowed by one party in the province, and industriously
propagated. Prejudices were contracted, cherished, and unhappily gained
ground among the people. Terms of reproach and abuse were collected from
those factious publications in London, and poured indiscriminately upon
all the natives of Scotland, who were by no means backward in retorting
the abuse. In a growing province, where the utmost harmony and liberality
of sentiment ought to have been cherished by all, as the most certain
means of promoting the public strength and prosperity, such a
party-spirit was attended, as might have been expected, with the most
pernicious consequence.

    [Sidenote] A whirlwind at Charlestown.

I have already observed, that the province is subject to whirlwinds,
especially among the hills in the back country; but this year one of
those, which was indeed the most violent and dreadful that had ever been
known, passed Charlestown in the month of May. It appeared at first to
the west of the town, like a large column of smoke, approaching fast in
an irregular direction. The vapour of which it was composed resembled
clouds rolling one over another in violent tumult and agitation, assuming
at one time a dark, at another a bright flaming colour. Its motion was
exceedingly swift and crooked. As it approached the inhabitants were
alarmed with an uncommon sound, like the continual roaring of distant
thunder, or the noise made by a stormy sea beating upon the shore, which
brought numbers of people to witness the dreadful phenomenon. While it
passed down Ashley river, such was its incredible velocity and force,
that it plowed the waters to the bottom, and laid the channel bare. The
town narrowly and providentially escaped, but it threatened destruction
to a fleet consisting of no less than forty sail of loaded ships, lying
at anchor in Rebellion road, about four miles below the town, and waiting
a fair wind to sail for England. When it reached the fleet, five vessels
were sunk in an instant by it, and his Majesty's ship the Dolphin, with
eleven others, were dismasted. Such was the situation of the fleet, and
so rapid was the motion of the whirlwind, that though the seaman observed
it approaching, it was impossible to provide against it. In its oblique
course it struck only a part of the fleet, and the damage, though
computed at L. 20,000 sterling, was by no means so great as might have
been expected. Nor were many lives lost, for the channel of the river not
being very deep, while the ships sat down in the mud and were covered by
the waves, the sailors saved themselves by running up the shrouds. The
whirlwind passed the town a little before three o'clock, and before four
the sky was so clear and serene, that we could scarcely have believed
such a dreadful scene had been exhibited, had it not left many striking
proofs behind it. Its route was not only marked in the woods, having
levelled the loftiest trees, or swept them away before it like chaff, but
its effects were visible in the fleet, by the number of vessels sunk and
dismasted.

It has been also remarked, that the province is subject to violent storms
of lightning and thunder throughout the year; but from the end of April
until October they are very frequent and terrible. There are few nights
during the summer in which lighting is not visible in some part of the
horizon. Sometimes indeed those storms are of short duration,
particularly when they come attended with brisk gales of wind; but when
that is not the case, they will often last for four or five hours. While
the clouds are gathering, it is surprising how quickly the atmosphere,
which was formerly serene, will be covered with darkness. To the
inhabitants, accustomed to view such appearances, the thunder-shower is
rather welcome than alarming, as it cools the air and earth, and enables
them to live comfortably during the remainder of the day; but to every
stranger it is exceedingly grand and awful. As the flashes of lightning
from the clouds commonly strike the highest objects, and the whole
country is covered with woods, the fury of the storm for the most part
falls upon them, and its amazing effects are visible from the vast number
of blasted trees every where appearing throughout the forest. The country
being as yet but thinly peopled, the inhabitants do not suffer so
severely as might be expected, considering the violence of these storms;
yet few years pass without some accidents from lightning. I never knew
more than five houses in the town, but others have observed nine, two
churches and five ships struck with lightning during one thunder-shower.
Such storms often occasion considerable damage, particularly to the ships
in the harbour, and sometimes they are attended with showers of hail, or
rather solid pieces of ice, which fall with such force as to beat down
the corn in the fields, to break glass windows, and occasion danger to
children exposed to them. But since the inhabitants have found out the
method of erecting iron rods on their houses, less damage has been done
to them, and fewer lives have been lost by lightning in this province.

    [Sidenote] Of the heat at Savanna.

The climate of Georgia, like that of Carolina, is more mild and pleasant
in the inland than maritime parts. Governor Ellis has left us the
following account of the heat of the summer at Savanna. In the 7th of
July, while he was writing in his piazza, which was open at each end, he
says the mercury in Fahrenheit's thermometer stood at 102 in the shade.
Twice had it risen to that height during the summer, several times to
100, and for many days together to 98; and in the night did not sink
below 89. He thought it highly probable, that the inhabitants of Savanna
breathed a hotter air than any other people upon earth. The town being
situated on a sandy eminence, the reflection from the dry sand, when
there is little or no agitation in the air, greatly increases the heat;
for by walking an hundred yards from his house upon the sand, under his
umbrella, with the thermometer suspended by a thread to the height of his
nostrils, the mercury rose to 105. The same thermometer he had with him
in the equatorial parts of Africa, in Jamaica, and in the Leeward
Islands; yet by his journals he found that it had never in any of these
places risen so high. Its general station was between 79 and 86. He
acknowledges, however, that he felt those degrees of heat in a moist air
more disagreeable than at Savanna, when the thermometer stood at 81 in
his cellar, at 102 in the storey above it, and in the upper storey of his
house at 105. On the 10th of December the mercury was up at 86, on then
11th down as low as 38, on the same instrument. Such sudden and violent
changes, especially when they happen frequently, must make havock of the
human constitution; yet he asserts that few people die at Savanna out of
the ordinary course, though many were working in the open air, exposed to
the sun during this extreme heat.--As this governor was a man of sense
and erudition, and no doubt made his observations with great accuracy, we
shall not presume to call in question the facts he relates; but we must
say, we never saw the mercury rise so high in the shade at Charlestown,
and believe it very seldom happens to do so in Georgia. We may add, that
such is the situation of Savanna, surrounded with low and marshy lands,
and so sudden and great are the changes in the weather there, as well as
in Carolina, that the maritime parts of both provinces must be ranked
among the most unhealthy climates in the world.




CHAP. XI.


    [Sidenote] A peace, and its happy effects respecting America.

The peace of Paris, though condemned by many in England as inadequate to
the amazing success that attended the British arms during the bloody war,
and below the expectation of the British nation, unquestionably placed
America in the most advantageous situation. As the flames of war first
kindled in that continent, by a contest about the limits of the British
and French territories, to prevent all disputes of this kind for the
future was made one of the first objects of attention in framing a treaty
of peace. By the seventh article of this treaty it was agreed, "That, for
the future, the confines between the dominions of his Britannic Majesty
and those of his most Christian Majesty in that part of the world should
be fixed irrevocably, by a line drawn along the middle of the river
Mississippi, from its source to the river Iberville, and from thence by a
line drawn along the middle of the river and the lakes Maurepas and
Pontchartrain to the sea." By the twentieth article, "His Catholic
Majesty ceded and guarantied in full right to his Britannic Majesty,
Florida, with Fort Augustine and the Bay of Pensacola, as well as all
that Spain possessed on the continent of North America to the east or
south-east of the river Mississippi, and in general every thing depending
on the said countries and lands, with the sovereignty, property,
possession, and all rights acquired by treaties or otherwise, which the
Catholic King and the Crown of Spain have had till now over the said
countries, lands, places, and other inhabitants." By these articles the
southern provinces were rendered perfectly secure, and, considering the
nature of the country, no frontiers could be more distinctly defined.

But as the French colonies in the northern district had been the chief
seat of war, the conquest of which had occasioned such an immense waste
of blood and treasure to Britain, it was also judged proper to guard
against the return of any danger on that side. Experience had shewn the
nation, that while France possesses a single stronghold on that
continent, the British subjects could never enjoy perfect repose, but
must be in danger of being again plunged into those calamities from which
they had been with so much difficulty delivered. Therefore it was
determined to remove this ambitious and enterprising enemy entirely from
the neighbourhood of these colonies, and secure them beyond a possibility
of future molestation. Accordingly, by the fourth article of the treaty,
"His most Christian Majesty renounced all pretensions which he had
heretofore formed, or might form, to Nova Scotia, or Acadia, in all its
parts, and guarantied the whole of it, with all its dependencies, to the
King of Great Britain; as also Canada, with all its dependencies; Cape
Breton, and all the other islands and coasts in the Gulf of St. Laurence,
and every thing that depends on these countries, islands, lands, places
and coasts, and their inhabitants; so that the most Christian King ceded
and made over the whole to the said King and Crown of Great Britain, and
that in the most ample manner and form, without restriction, and without
any liberty to depart from said cession and guaranty under any pretence,
or to disturb Great Britain in the possessions above mentioned; reserving
only the island of New Orleans, and liberty of fishing in the Gulf of St.
Laurence, which was granted, upon condition that the subjects of France
do not execute the said fishery but at the distance of three leagues from
all the coasts belonging to Great Britain, as well those of the continent
as those of the islands situated in the Gulf of St. Laurence."

We do not pretend to pass any judgment on the value of these conquests in
America, which were preferred to those of the West India islands at the
peace. By giving up a little of the sugar trade, it was thought the
nation lost only a luxury, and could be sufficiently supplied with all
the sugar and rum she wanted from the islands which she possessed before
the war; and therefore the precious conquests in the West Indies were
sacrificed to the security of America. The vast territory to the east and
south east of the great river Mississippi formed the British empire on
the continent, which, for variety of climate as well as of soil was
exceeded by no empire upon earth. As the trade of the mother country had
uniformly increased with the population of her colonies, it was hoped
that by freeing them from all molestation, they must increase in a still
more rapid manner than they had hitherto done, to the great advantage of
Britain; for while the colonists had liberty to extend their culture to
the remotest desert, the trade of the mother country would be increased,
her debt diminished, and at the same time the demand for manufactures
would be so great, that all the hands she employed would scarcely be able
to furnish the supply. These were thought to be the probable consequences
which would flow from the security of our American colonies at the peace.

    [Sidenote] Boundaries of East and West Florida.

With respect to the new acquisitions, great pains were taken to acquire
an exact knowledge of them, not only to establish proper regulations, but
also to render them as useful and flourishing as possible. They were
divided into three separate independent governments, which were given to
officers who had distinguished themselves during the war. The government
of East Florida was bounded to the westward by the Gulf of Mexico and the
river Apalachicola; to the north by a line drawn from that part of the
above-mentioned river where the Catabouchee and Flint rivers meet, to the
source of St. Mary's river, and by the course of the same river to the
Atlantic Ocean; and to the east and south by the Atlantic Ocean; and the
Gulf of Florida, including all islands within six leagues of the sea
coast. The government of West Florida was bounded to the southward by the
Gulf of Mexico, including all islands within six leagues of the sea
coast, from the river Apalachicola to Lake Pontchartrain; to the westward
by the said lake, the lake Maurepas, and the river Mississippi; to the
north by a line drawn due east from that part of the river Mississippi
which lies in thirty-one degrees of north latitude, to the river
Apalachicola, or Catabouchee; and to the east by the said river. All the
lands lying between the rivers Alatamaha and St. Mary's were annexed to
the province of Georgia.

    [Sidenote] The southern provinces left secure.

The possession of these two provinces of East and West Florida, though of
themselves little better than an immense waste, was of great importance
to the neighbouring provinces of Georgia and Carolina. It robbed the
Spaniards of a strong-hold from which they could send out an armed force
and harass these provinces, and of an easy avenue through which they had
often invaded them. It removed troublesome neighbours out of their way,
who had often instigated the savages against them, and made Augustine an
asylum for fugitive slaves. It opened some convenient ports for trade
with Britain and the West Indies, and for annoying French and Spanish
ships coming through the Gulf of Florida, in case of any future rupture.
It formed a strong frontier to the British dominions in that quarter, and
furnished an immense track of improveable land for reduced officers,
soldiers, and others, to settle and cultivate.

    [Sidenote] Encouragement given to reduced officers and soldiers.

To testify the high sense his Majesty had of the conduct and bravery of
his officers and soldiers during the late war, and to encourage the
settlement of the colonies, tracks of land were offered them as the
rewards of their services. Orders were given to the governors on the
continent, to grant, without fee or reward, five thousand acres to every
field officer who had served in America, three thousand to every captain,
two thousand to every subaltern, two hundred to every non-commissioned
officer, and fifty to every private man; free of quit-rents for ten
years, but subject, at the expiration of that term, to the same moderate
quit-rents as the lands in the other provinces, and to the same
conditions of cultivation and improvement. In the new colonies, for the
encouragement of the people, they were to be allowed civil
establishments, similar to those of the other royal governments on the
continent, so soon as their circumstances would admit, and the same
provision was made for the security of their lives, liberties and
properties under the new as under the old governments.

    [Sidenote] Georgia begins to flourish.

No province on the continent felt the happy effects of this public
security sooner than the province of Georgia, which had long struggled
under many difficulties, arising from the want of credit from friends,
and the frequent molestations of enemies. During the late war the
government had been given to James Wright, who wanted neither wisdom to
discern, nor resolution to pursue, the most effectual means for its
improvement. While he proved a father to the people and governed the
province with justice and equity, he discovered at the same time the
excellence of its low lands and river swamps, by the proper management
and diligent cultivation of which he acquired in a few years a plentiful
fortune. His example and success gave vigour to industry, and promoted a
spirit of emulation among the planters for improvement. The rich lands
were sought for with that zeal, and cleared with that ardour, which the
prospect of riches naturally inspired. The British merchants observing
the province safe, and advancing to a hopeful and flourishing state, were
no longer backward in extending credit to it, but supplied it with
negroes, and goods of British manufacture, with equal freedom as the
other provinces on that continent. The planters no sooner got the
strength of Africa to assist them than they laboured with success, and
the lands every year yielded greater and greater increase. The trade of
the province kept pace with its progress in cultivation. The rich swamps
attracted the attention not only of strangers, but even of the planters
of Carolina, who had been accustomed to treat their poor neighbours with
the utmost contempt, several of whom sold their estates in that colony,
and moved with their families and effects to Georgia. Many settlements
were made by Carolineans about Sunbury, and upon the great river
Alatamaha. The price of produce at Savanna arose as the quantity
increased, a circumstance which contributed much to the improvement of
the country. The planters situated on the opposite side of Savanna river
found in the capital of Georgia a convenient and excellent market for
their staple commodities. In short, from this period the rice, indigo and
naval stores of Georgia arrived at the markets in Europe in equal
excellence and perfection, and, in proportion to its strength, in equal
quantities with those of its more powerful and opulent neighbours in
Carolina. To form a judgment of the progress of the colony, we need only
attend to its exports. In the year 1763, the exports of Georgia consisted
of 7500 barrels of rice, 9633 libs. of indigo, 1250 bushels of Indian
corn, which, together with deer and beaver skins, naval stores,
provisions, timber, _&c._ amounted to no more than L. 27,021 sterling;
but afterwards the colony thrived and increased in a manner so rapid,
that, in the year 1773, it exported staple commodities to the value of L.
121,677 sterling.

    [Sidenote] A plan adopted for encouraging emigrations to Carolina.

No less favourable and happy were the blessings of peace and security to
their neighbours of Carolina; for never did any country flourish and
prosper in a more astonishing degree than this province has done since
the conclusion of the late war. The government had been given to Thomas
Boone, who was not only a native of the province, but had a considerable
estate in it, which naturally rendered him deeply interested in its
prosperity. The French and Spaniards being removed out of the way, its
progress was no more retarded by any molestation from them. The assembly
appropriated a large fund for bounties to foreign Protestants, and such
industrious poor people of Britain and Ireland as should resort to the
province within three years, and settle on the inland parts. Two
townships, each containing 48,000 acres, were laid out; one on the river
Savanna, called Mecklenburgh, and the other on the waters of Santee at
Long Canes, called Londonderry; to be divided among emigrants, allowing
one hundred acres for every man, and fifty for every woman and child,
that should come and settle in the back woods. The face of the country in
those interior parts is variable and beautiful, and being composed of
hills and vallies, rocks and rivers, there is not that stagnation in the
air, which is so exceedingly hurtful to the human constitution in the
flat marshy parts of the province. The hills occasion an agitation in the
atmosphere, and by collecting the air in streams, these run along the
earth in pleasant breezes, and mitigate the rigour of the hot season. The
climate in those inland parts is not only more mild and wholesome, but
the soil, particularly in the vallies, which are covered with lofty trees
and luxuriant bushes, is exceedingly fertile, and promised in the amplest
manner to reward the industrious labourer. In consequence of this
encouragement offered, it was hoped that multitudes would resort to
Carolina, and settle those extensive and fruitful territories in the back
woods, by which means the frontiers of the province would be
strengthened, its produce increased, and its trade enlarged.

    [Sidenote] A number of Palatines seduced into England.

Not long after this a remarkable affair happened in Germany, by which
Carolina received a great acquisition. One Stumpel, who had been an
officer in the King of Prussia's service, being reduced at the peace,
applied to the British ministry for a tract of land in America, and
having got some encouragement returned to Germany, where, by deceitful
promises, he seduced between five and six hundred ignorant people from
their native country. When these poor Palatines arrived in England, the
officer finding himself unable to perform his promises, fled, leaving
them in a strange land, without money, without friends, exposed in the
open fields, and ready to perish through want. While they were in this
starving condition, and knew no person to whom they could apply for
relief, a humane clergyman, who came from the same country, took
compassion on them, and published their deplorable case in the
news-papers. He pleaded for the mercy and protection of government to
them, until an opportunity might offer of transporting them to some of
the British colonies, where he hoped they would prove useful subjects,
and in time give their benefactors ample proofs of their gratitude and
affection. No sooner did their unhappy situation reach the ears of a
great personage, than he immediately set an example to his subjects,
which served both to warm their hearts and open their hands for the
relief of their distressed fellow-creatures. A bounty of three hundred
pounds was allowed them; tents were ordered from the Tower for the
accommodation of such as had paid their passage and been permitted to
come ashore; money was sent for the relief of those that were confined on
board. The public-spirited citizens of London, famous for acts of
beneficence and charity, associated, and chose a committee on purpose to
raise money for the relief of these poor Palatines. A physician, a
surgeon, and man-midwife, generously undertook to attend the sick gratis.
From different quarters benefactions were sent to the committee, and in a
few days those unfortunate strangers, from the depth of indigence and
distress, were raised to comfortable circumstances. The committee finding
the money received more than sufficient to relieve their present
distress, applied to his Majesty to know his royal pleasure with respect
to the future disposal of the German Protestants. His Majesty, sensible
that his colony of South Carolina had not its proportion of white
inhabitants, and having expressed a particular attachment to it,
signified his desire of transporting them to that province. Another
motive for sending them to Carolina was the bounty allowed to foreign
Protestants by the provincial assembly, so that when their source of
relief from England should be exhausted, another would open after their
arrival in that province, which would help them to surmount the
difficulties attending the first state of cultivation.

    [Sidenote] Sent into Carolina.

Accordingly preparations were made for sending the Germans to South
Carolina. When the news was communicated to them they rejoiced, not only
because they were to go to one of the most fertile and flourishing
provinces on the continent, but also because many of them had friends and
countrymen before them. Two ships, of two hundred tons each, were
provided for their accommodation, and provisions of all kinds laid in for
the voyage. An hundred and fifty stand of arms were ordered from the
Tower, and given them by his Majesty for their defence after their
arrival in America; all which deserve to be recorded for the honour of
the British nation, which has at different times set before the world
many noble examples of benevolence. Every thing being ready for their
embarkation, the Palatines broke up their camp in the fields behind
White-Chapel, and proceeded to the ships attended by several of their
benefactors; of whom they took their leave with songs of praise to God in
their mouths, and tears of gratitude in their eyes.

    [Sidenote] And settled at Londonderry.

In the month of April, 1764, they arrived at Charlestown, and presented a
letter from the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations to Governor
Boone, acquainting him that his Majesty had been pleased to take the poor
Palatines under his royal care and protection, and as many of them were
versed in the culture of silks and vines, had ordered that a settlement
be provided for them in Carolina, in a situation most proper for these
purposes. Though their settlement met with some obstructions from a
dispute subsisting at that time between the Governor and Assembly about
certain privileges of the house; yet the latter could not help
considering themselves as laid under the strongest obligations to make
provision for so many useful settlers. Accordingly, in imitation of the
noble example set before them in London, they voted five hundred pounds
sterling to be distributed among the Palatines, according to the
directions of the Lieutenant-Governor, and their necessities. That they
might be settled in a body, one of the two townships, called Londonderry,
was allotted for them, and divided in the most equitable manner into
small tracts, for the accommodation of each family. Captain Calhoun, with
a detachment of the rangers, had orders to meet them by the way, and
conduct them to the place where their town was to be built, and all
possible assistance was given towards promoting their speedy and
comfortable settlement.

    [Sidenote] Some emigrate from Britain, and multitudes from Ireland.

Besides foreign Protestants, several persons from England and Scotland
resorted to Carolina after the peace. But of all other countries none has
furnished the province with so many inhabitants as Ireland. In the
northern counties of that kingdom the spirit of emigration seized the
people to such a degree, that it threatened almost a total depopulation.
Such multitudes of husbandmen, labourers and manufacturers flocked over
the Atlantic, that the landlords began to be alarmed, and to concert ways
and means for preventing the growing evil. Scarce a ship sailed for any
of the plantations that was not crowded with men, women and children. But
the bounty allowed new settlers in Carolina proved a great encouragement,
and induced numbers of these people, notwithstanding the severity of the
climate, to resort to that province. The merchants finding this bounty
equivalent to the expenses of the passage, from avaricious motives
persuaded the people to embark for Carolina, and often crammed such
numbers of them into their ships that they were in danger of being
stifled during the passage, and sometimes were landed in such a starved
and sickly condition, that numbers of them died before they left
Charlestown. Many causes may be assigned for this spirit of emigration
that prevailed so much in Ireland: some, no doubt, emigrated from a
natural restlessness of temper, and a desire of roving abroad, without
any fixed object in view. Others were enticed over by flattering promises
from their friends and relations, who had gone before them. But of all
other causes of emigration oppression at home was the most powerful and
prevalent. Most men have a natural fondness and partiality for their
native country, and leave it with reluctance while they are able to earn
a comfortable livelihood in it. That spot where they first drew the
breath of life, that society in which they spent the gay season of youth,
the religion, the manners and customs of those among whom they were
educated, all conspire to affect the heart, and endear their native
country to them. But poverty and oppression will break through every
natural tie and endearment, and compel men to rove abroad in search of
some asylum against domestic hardship. Hence it happened that many poor
people forsook their native land, and preferred the burning sky and
unwholesome climate of Carolina, to the temperate and mild air of their
mother country. The success that attended some friends who had gone
before them being also industriously published in Ireland, and with all
the exaggerations of travellers, gave vigour to the spirit of adventure,
and induced multitudes to follow their countrymen, and run all hazards
abroad, rather than starve at home. Government winked at those
emigrations, and every year brought fresh strength to Carolina, insomuch
that the lands in Ireland were in danger of lying waste for want of
labourers, and the manufacturers of dwindling into nothing.

    [Sidenote] And from the northern colonies, resort to Carolina.

Nor were these the only sources from which Carolina, at this time,
derived strength and an increase of population. For, notwithstanding the
vast extent of territory which the provinces of Virginia and Pennsylvania
contained, yet such was the nature of the country, that a scarcity of
improveable lands began to be felt in these colonies, and poor people
could not find spots in them unoccupied equal to their expectations. Most
of the richest vallies in these more populous provinces lying to the east
of the Alleganny mountains were either under patent or occupied, and, by
the royal proclamation at the peace, no settlements were allowed to
extend beyond the sources of the rivers which empty themselves into the
Atlantic. In Carolina the case was different, for there large tracks of
the best lands as yet lay waste, which proved a great temptation to the
northern colonists to migrate to the south. Accordingly, about this time
above a thousand families, with their effects, in the space of one year
resorted to Carolina, driving their cattle, hogs and horses over land
before them. Lands were allotted them on the frontiers, and most of them
being only entitled to small tracks, such as one, two or three hundred
acres, the back settlements by this means soon became the most populous
parts of the province. The frontiers were not only strengthened and
secured by new settlers, but the old ones on the maritime parts began
also to stretch backward and spread their branches, in consequence of
which the demand for lands in the interior parts every year increased.
The Governor and Council met once a-month for the purpose of granting
lands and signing patents, and it is incredible what numbers of people
attended those meetings in order to obtain them; so that; from the time
in which America was secured by the peace, Carolina made rapid progress
in population, wealth and trade, which will farther appear when we come
particularly to consider its advanced state and annual exports.

    [Sidenote] Regulations for securing the provinces against Indians.

In proportion as the province increased in the number of white
inhabitants, its danger from the savage tribes grew less alarming. But to
prevent any molestation from Indians, and establish the peace of the
colonies on the most lasting foundation, his Majesty, by his royal
proclamations after the peace, took care to fix the boundaries of their
hunting lands, in as clear a manner as the nature of the country would
admit. No settlements were allowed to extend any farther backward upon
the Indian territories, than the sources of those great rivers which fall
into the Atlantic Ocean, and all British subjects who had settled beyond
these limits were ordered to remove. In this restriction his Majesty
evidently made a distinction between the rights of sovereignty and those
of property; having excluded his governors from all manner of
jurisdiction over those lands which were not specified within the limits
of their respective provinces. All private subjects were prohibited from
purchasing lands from Indians; but if the latter should at any time be
inclined to dispose of their property, it must for the future be done to
the King, by the general consent of their nation, and at a public
assembly held by British governors for that purpose. All traders were
obliged to take out licences from their respective governors for carrying
on commerce with Indian nations.

    [Sidenote] John Stuart made superintendant for Indian affairs.

Such regulations were in many respects useful and necessary; for the
French and Spaniards being excluded, it only remained to guard the
provinces against the danger arising from Indians. And as they were
liable to much abuse and oppression from private traders, it was thought
necessary that the office of a superintendant should be continued for the
southern as well as the northern district of America. Accordingly this
office was given to Captain John Stuart, who was in every respect well
qualified for the trust. Attakullakulla had signified to the Governor and
Council, after the Cherokee war, that the province would receive no
molestation from Indians were this officer appointed to reside among
them, and to advise and direct them. The Assembly had not only thanked
him for his good conduct and great perseverance at Fort Loudon, and
rewarded him with fifteen hundred pounds currency, but also recommended
him to the Governor as a person worthy of preferment in the service of
the province. After his commission arrived from the King, the Carolineans
rejoiced, and promised themselves for the future great tranquillity and
happiness. Plans of lenity were likewise adopted by government with
respect to those Indian tribes, and every possible precaution was taken
to guard them against oppression, and prevent any rupture with them.
Experience had shewn that rigorous measures, such as humbling them by
force of arms, were not only very expensive and bloody, but disagreeable
to a humane and generous nation, and seldom accompanied with any good
effects. Such ill treatment rendered the savages cruel, suspicious and
distrustful, and prepared them for renewing hostilities, by keeping alive
their ferocious and warlike spirit. Their extirpation, even though it
could easily be compleated, would be a cruel act, and all the while the
growth and prosperity of the settlements would be much retarded by the
attempt. Whereas, by treating Indians with gentleness and humanity, it
was thought they would by degrees lose their savage spirit, and become
more harmless and civilized. It was hoped that by establishing a fair and
free trade with them, their rude temper would in time be softened, their
manners altered, and their wants increased; and instead of implacable
enemies, ever bent on destruction, they might he rendered good allies,
both useful and beneficial to the trade of the nation.

    [Sidenote] Decrease of Indians, and the causes of it.

It has been remarked, that those Indians on the continent of America, who
were at the time of its discovery a numerous and formidable people, have
since that period been constantly decreasing, and melting away like snow
upon the mountains. For this rapid depopulation many reasons have been
assigned. It is well known that population every where keeps pace with
the means of subsistence. Even vegetables spring and grow in proportion
to the richness of the soil in which they are planted, and to the
supplies they receive from the nourishing rains and dews of heaven;
animals flourish or decay according as the means of subsistence abound or
fail; and as all mankind partake of the nature of both, they also
multiply or decrease as they are fed, or have provision in plenty, luxury
excluded. The Indians being driven from their possessions near the sea as
the settlements multiplied, were robbed of many necessaries of life,
particularly of oysters, crabs, and fish, with which the maritime parts
furnished them in great abundance, and on which they must have
considerably subsisted, as is apparent from a view of their camps, still
remaining near the sea-shore. The women are not only much disregarded and
despised, but also naturally less prolific among rude than polished
nations. The men being often abroad, at hunting or war, agriculture,
which is the chief means of subsistence among a civilized people, is
entirely neglected by them, and looked upon as an occupation worthy only
of women or slaves. That abstinence and fatigue which the men endure in
their distant excursions, and that gluttony and voraciousness in which
they indulge themselves in the times of plenty, are equally hurtful to
the constitution, and productive of diseases of different kinds. Now that
their territories are circumscribed by narrower bounds, the means of
subsistence derived even from game is less plentiful. Indeed scanty and
limited are the provisions they raise by planting, even in the best
seasons; but in case of a failure of their crops, or of their fields
being destroyed by enemies, they perish in numbers by famine. Their
natural passion for war the first European settlers soon discovered; and
therefore turned the fury of one tribe against another, with a view to
save themselves. When engaged in hostilities, they always fought not so
much to humble and conquer, as to exterminate and destroy. The British,
the French and Spanish nations, having planted colonies in their
neighbourhood, a rivalship for power over them took place, and each
nation having its allies among the savages was zealous and indefatigable
in instigating them against the allies of its neighbour. Hence a series
of bloody and destructive wars has been carried on among these rude
tribes, with all the rage and rancour of implacable enemies.

But famine and war, however destructive, were not the only causes of
their rapid decay. The smallpox having broke out among them, proved
exceedingly fatal, both on account of the contageous nature of the
distemper, and their harsh and injudicious attempts to cure it by
plunging themselves into cold rivers during the most violent stages of
the disorder. The pestilence broke out among some nations, particularly
among the Pemblicos in North Carolina, and almost swept away the whole
tribe. The practice of entrapping them, which was encouraged by the first
settlers in Carolina, and selling them for slaves to the West India
planters, helped greatly to thin their nations. But, of all other causes,
the introduction of spirituous liquors among them, for which they
discovered an amazing fondness, has proved the most destructive. Excess
and intemperance not only undermined their constitution, but also created
many quarrels, and subjected them to a numerous list of fatal diseases,
to which in former times they were entire strangers. Besides those
Europeans engaged in commercial business with them, generally speaking,
have been so far from reforming them, by examples of virtue and purity of
manners, that they rather served to corrupt their morals, and render them
more treacherous, distrustful, base and debauched than they were before
this intercourse commenced. In short, European avarice and ambition have
not only debased the original nature and stern virtue of that savage
race, so that these few Indians that now remain have lost in a great
measure their primitive character; but European vice and European
diseases, the consequences of vice, have exterminated this people,
insomuch that many nations formerly populous are totally extinct, and
their names entirely forgotten.

    [Sidenote] Present state of Indian nations in the southern district.

The principal tribes around Carolina that now remain are, the Cherokees,
the Catabaws, the Creeks, the Chickesaws, and Choctaws, and a few others
that scarcely deserve to be mentioned. In 1765 the Cherokees, who inhabit
the mountains to the north of Charlestown, could scarcely bring two
thousand men to the field. The Catabaws have fifteen miles square
allotted them for hunting lands, about two hundred miles north of
Charlestown, with British settlements all around them; but they are so
much reduced by a long war with the Five Nations, that they could not
muster one hundred and fifty warriors. The Creeks inhabit a fine country
on the south-west, between four and five hundred miles distant from
Charlestown, and the number of both the Upper and Lower nations does not
exceed two thousand gun-men. The Chickesaw towns lie about six hundred
miles due west from Charlestown, but the nation cannot send three hundred
warriors to the field, owing to the incessant wars which they have
carried on against the French, by which their number has been greatly
diminished. The Choctaws are at least seven hundred miles west-south-west
from Charlestown, and have between three and four thousand gun-men; and
as their settlements border on West Florida, the greatest part of them
till the late peace remained allies of France. But as these artful and
insinuating rivals were removed out of the way, and the British
government had adopted prudent plans of civilizing and managing those
barbarous nations, the colonies for the future were in a great measure
freed from all apprehensions of danger from them. I shall therefore
conclude my observations respecting Indians with a speech of Mr. Stuart
the superintendant, delivered at a general congress held in Mobile, at
which Governor Johnstone and many British officers and soldiers attended.
For as he was so well acquainted with the humours, tempers and characters
of these tribes, this speech, in which is exhibited a good specimen of
the language and manner proper for addressing barbarous nations, may not
be unworthy of the reader's attention.

    [Sidenote] Mr. Stuart's first speech to the Indians at Mobile.

"Friends and brothers, the Supreme Being who made the world and all its
inhabitants, has been pleased to permit many great warriors of the
British and Indian nations to meet together in peace. The great King, who
is the father of all white people in Great Britain and America, and
defends them from danger, this day stretches out his arms to receive his
red children into favour. He has been pleased to appoint me
superintendent of the affairs of all Indian nations to the southward of
Virginia. In his name I speak to you, and as the words you hear are his
words, I hope you will listen to them with attention, and allow them to
remain deeply impressed on your minds. They are calculated to promote not
only your happiness, but that of your children and childrens children for
ever.

"When the great kings of Britain and France were at variance, the storms
of war raged through this great forest, the Indian nations were divided,
brothers against brothers, and your country was stained with blood.
Malice and revenge went forth, all paths were made crooked, and your land
was covered with darkness. Now that it has pleased the Author of life to
restore the blessings of light and peace, it is our duty to make a proper
use and improvement of them. As fogs gathered in the night are dispersed
by the rising sun, so words dictated by the rage of war should be
forgotten in the time of peace. The great King, full of wisdom and
magnanimity, knows the frailty of his red children, and forgives their
disobedience and rebellion. He extends his love to them all, even to
those that lifted up the hatchet against him. To render them secure, he
has resolved that the English and French shall be for ever separated by
the great river Mississippi, and that all nations on this side of it
shall have him for their common father. He commands all strife and enmity
between his white and red children to cease, and expects that the allies
of Britain will take those Indians, the former allies of France, by the
hand, and live together like brethren of one family. That his white and
red children may be near one other, and mutually supply each other's
wants, he has ordered some of his good subjects to come over the great
waters, and live on the fruits of this land, which the Supreme Being made
for the use of mankind in general. To open this friendly intercourse, I
have invited you all to meet me at this place, and I rejoice that so many
brothers are come to accept of the royal favour and protection.

"Ye Chickesaw warriors, I speak first to you, and I know your ears are
open to my words. The great King regards you as children brought up in
their father's house, who from their infancy have been dutiful and
obedient, and by that means merited what you have always enjoyed, his
particular care and affection. While darkness surrounded you on every
side, he has defended you from all those snares and dangers to which you
were exposed. Now the day is clear and unclouded. Your father continues
to love you. The paths from your towns to all nations shall be made
straight and plain, and nothing shall be permitted to hurt your feet.
Your children shall rejoice and grow up in safety, and your houses shall
be filled with abundance of corn and venison. I am come to tell you the
good news, and to see that justice be done you in all commercial
dealings.

"In the next place I speak to you, ye warriors of the great party of the
Choctaw notion. You were like sons separated from their father, and
removed at a great distance from his protection; but by persisting in
obedience you were entitled to his love. The great King always
acknowledged you, but now he receives you into his family, and offers you
all the favours and privileges of sons. While you continue dutiful and
obedient, the eye of your father shall be upon you, and his hand shall be
open to relieve your wants. Under his care you shall enjoy all the
blessings of peace and safety. You shall receive no injuries from
friends, nor be exposed to any dangers from enemies. Your arms shall be
kept bright, your hunting lands no man shall be permitted to take from
you, and there shall be abundance of corn about your village.

"But as for you, ye Choctaw warriors of the Six Villages, you were like
children early lost. While you were wandering out of the way, without
knowing your brothers you blindly struck them. You found a father,
indeed, who adopted you, and you have long served him with zeal, and
shewn many proofs of your courage. You have received from your French
father such poor rewards for your services as he could bestow; but all
the while you remained under his care you were hungry, naked and
miserable. He gave you many fair words and promises, and having long
deceived you, at last is obliged to leave you in your present forlorn and
wretched condition. Now your true father has found you, and this day
stretches forth his arms to receive you under his protection. He has
forgotten all your past offences. He knows your weakness, and forgives
your errors. He knows your wants, and is disposed to relieve them. I have
but one tongue, and always speak the truth; and as I bring you good news,
I hope my words shall not be blown away by the wind. The great King is
wise, generous and merciful, and I flatter myself with the hopes that you
will never forget your obligations to his goodness.

"It is my duty to watch over Indians, and protect them against all manner
of danger and oppression. For this purpose my ears shall be always open
to your complaints, and it shall be my study to redress your grievances.
I must warn you to beware of all quarrels and outrages, by which you will
certainly forfeit the royal favour, and plunge yourselves again into
misery. I hope you will always observe my advice, and conduct yourselves
accordingly, that I may be able to transmit good accounts of your
behaviour to England. It is only by the permission of the great King that
your wants can be supplied, and that traders can come into your villages
with guns, powder, balls, knives, hatchets, flints, hoes, clothes and
other necessaries. These things you cannot make for yourselves, and no
other nation will be allowed to furnish you with them. Therefore the
great King has a right to expect your gratitude and obedience, for all he
requires is with a view to your own tranquillity and happiness.

"As you are all received into the family of the great King, it is
expected that Indians will not only live in friendship and peace with
white men, but also with one another. In imitation of his Majesty's good
example, you must forget all injuries and offences, and throw aside all
national jealousies and antipathies. The King expects that the great
chieftains, to whom he has given medals and gorgets, will consider them
not merely as ornaments, but as emblems of the high offices they bear,
and the great trust reposed in them. All presents made you are in
consideration of the good services expected from you. Therefore, ye wise
and great leaders, I expect you will use your authority like fathers, and
restrain your young men from all acts of violence and injustice, and
teach them that the only way to merit honour and preferment is to be
just, honest and peaceable, and that disgrace and punishment will be the
consequences of disorderly practices, such as robbing plantations, and
beating or abusing white people.

"Ye warriors who have no commissions, I speak to you also in name of the
King, and I hope you will reverence his authority and love your brethren.
Listen at all times to your wise rulers, and be careful to follow their
advice and example. By their wisdom and justice they have arrived at an
high pitch of preferment, and stand distinguished by great and small
medals. If, like them, you wish to be great, like them, you must first be
good. You must respect them as children do their father, yielding
submission to their authority, and obedience to their commands. Without
the favour of your chiefs, you will neither get your wants supplied nor
reach the station of honour. An armourer will be sent into your nation to
clean and repair your rifles, but he will have instructions to mend arms
to none but such as shall be recommended by their chiefs, it being proper
that such leaders should have it in their power to distinguish those that
are peaceable and obedient from the obstinate and perverse.

"I am to inform you all, that I will send a beloved man into your towns,
who will be vested with authority to hear and determine all differences
between you and the traders, to deliver all messages from me to you, and
all talks from you to me. And as he will come to promote your welfare and
tranquillity, I hope you will receive him kindly, protect him against all
insults, and assist him in the execution of his office.

"When the French governor took his leave of you, he advised you to look
upon yourselves as the children of the King of Great Britain. The advice
was good, I hope you will remember it for ever. The great King has
warriors numerous as the trees of the forest, and stands in no need of
your assistance; but he desires your friendship and alliance to render
you happy. He loves peace and justice, but he will punish all murders and
rebellion. Be careful, therefore, to keep your feet far from the crooked
and bloody path. Shun all communication with Indian tribes who lift the
hatchet against their white brethren. Their talks, their calamets, their
belts of wampum, and their tobacco are all poisonous. If you receive them
into your towns, be assured you will be infected with their madness, and
be in danger of rushing into destruction.  Be cautious; above all things,
of permitting great quantities of rum to be brought into your villages.
It poisons your body, enervates your mind, and, from respectable
warriors, turns you into furious madmen, who treat friends and enemies
alike. Mark those persons, whether they be white or red, that bring rum
among you, for bad men, who violate the laws, and have nothing else in
view but to cheat, and render you despicable and wretched.

"Lastly, I inform you that it is the King's order to all his governors
and subjects, to treat Indians with justice and humanity, and to forbear
all encroachments on the territories allotted for them. Accordingly, all
individuals are prohibited from purchasing any of your lands; but as you
know that your white brethren cannot feed you when you visit them unless
you give them grounds to plant, it is expected that you will cede lands
to the King for that purpose. But whenever you shall be pleased to
surrender any of your territories to his majesty, it must be done for the
future at a public meeting of your nation, when the governors of the
provinces, or the superintendent shall be present, and obtain the consent
of all your people. The boundaries of your hunting grounds will be
accurately fixed, and no settlement permitted to be made upon them. As
you may be assured that all treaties with you will be faithfully kept, so
it is expected that you also will be careful strictly to observe them. I
have now done, and I hope you will remember the words I have spoken. Time
will soon discover to you the generosity, justice and goodness of the
British nation. By the bounty of the King, and a well-ordered trade with
his subjects, your houses shall be filled with plenty, and your hearts
with joy. You will see your men and women well clothed and fed, and your
children growing up to honour you, and add strength to your nation; your
peace and prosperity shall be established, and continue from generation
to generation."

Having now endeavoured to give some account of the rise and progress of
this colony for the first century after its settlement, or rather from
the time the Proprietors received their second charter in 1665 to the
year 1765, we shall add a general view of its present state and
condition. I have purposely delayed speaking of several things,
particularly of the temper, manners and character of the people, until
this period, when they come more immediately under my own notice; and
such observations as I have made shall now be submitted to the public
view for the use of strangers, leaving all men acquainted with provincial
affairs to judge for themselves, according to the different lights in
which matters may have occurred to them.

    [Sidenote] A description of Charlestown.

With respect to the towns in Carolina, none of them, excepting one, merit
the smallest notice. Beaufort, Purisburgh, Jacksonburgh, Dorchester,
Camden, and George-town, are all inconsiderable villages, having in each
no more than twenty, thirty, or, at most, forty dwelling houses.  But
Charlestown, the capital of the province, may be ranked with the first
cities of British America, and yearly advances in size, riches and
population. It is situated upon a neck of land at the continence of
Ashley and Cooper rivers, which are large and navigable, and wash at
least two third parts of the town. These rivers mingle their streams
immediately below the town, and, running six or seven miles farther,
empty themselves at Sullivan's island into the Atlantic Ocean. By means
of such broad rivers the sea is laid open from east to southeast, and the
town fanned by gentle breezes from the ocean, which are very refreshing
to the inhabitants during the summer months. The tide flows a great way
above the town, and occasions an agitation in the air which is also
productive of salutary effects. So low and level is the ground upon which
Charlestown is built, that the inhabitants are obliged to raise banks of
earth, as barriers, to defend themselves against the higher floods of the
sea. The streets from east to west extend from river to river, and,
running in a straight line, not only open a beautiful prospect, but also
afford excellent opportunities, by means of subterranean drains, for
removing all nuisances; and keeping the town clean and healthy. These
streets are intersected by others, nearly at right angles, and throw the
town into a number of squares, with dwelling houses on the front, and
office-houses and little gardens behind them. Some of the streets are
broad, which in such a climate is a necessary and wise regulation, for
where narrow lanes and alleys have been tolerated, they prove by their
confined situation a fruitful nursery for diseases of different kinds.
The town, which was at first entirely built of wood, as might be
expected, has often suffered from fire; but such calamities, though they
fell heavy on individuals, have given the inhabitants frequent
opportunities of making considerable improvements in it. Now most houses
are built of brick, three storeys high, some of them elegant, and all
neat habitations; within they are genteelly furnished, and without
exposed as much as possible to the refreshing breezes from the sea. Many
of them are indeed encumbered with balconies and piazzas, but these are
found convenient and even necessary during the hot season, into which the
inhabitants retreat for enjoying the benefit of fresh air, which is
commonly occasioned, and always increased, by the flux and reflux of the
sea. Almost every family have their pump-wells, but the water in them
being at no great distance from the salt river, and filtered only through
sand, is brackish, and commonly occasions severe griping and purging to
every person not accustomed to it. The town consisted at this time of, at
least, twelve hundred dwelling houses, and was in at advancing state. The
public buildings are, an Exchange, a State-House, an Armoury, two
churches for Episcopalians, one for Presbyterians, two for French and
Dutch Protestants; to which may be added, meeting-houses for Anabaptists,
Independents, Quakers and Jews. Upon the sides of the rivers wharfs are
built, to which all ships that come over the bar may lie close; and
having stores and ware-houses erected upon them, are exceedingly
convenient for importing and exporting all kinds of merchandise.

The harbour is also tolerably well fortified, the King having at
different times presented the province with great guns for that purpose.
Towards Cooper river the town is defended by a number of batteries,
insomuch that no ships of an enemy can approach it without considerable
hazard. Besides these, the passage up to it is secured by Fort Johnson,
built on James's Island, about two miles below the town. This fort stands
in a commanding situation, within point-blank shot of the channel,
through which every ship, in their way to and from Charlestown, must
pass. The commander of Fort Johnson is commissioned by the King, and has
authority to stop every ship coming in until the master or mate shall
make oath that there is no malignant distemper on board. It has barracks
for fifty men; but, in case of emergency, it obtains assistance from the
militia of the island. During the late Cherokee war a plan was also
formed for fortifying the town towards the land, with a horn-work built
of tappy, flanked with batteries and redoubts at proper distances, and
extending from river to river; but, after having spent a great sum of
money on this work, peace being restored, the design was dropt.

    [Sidenote] The number of its inhabitants.

In 1765 the number of white inhabitants in Charlestown amounted to
between five and fix thousand, and the number of negroes to between seven
and eight thousand. With respect to the number of white inhabitants in
the province we cannot be certain, but we may form some conjecture from
the militia roll; for as all male persons from sixteen to sixty are
obliged by law to bear arms and muster in the regiments, and as the whole
militia formed a body of between seven and eight thousand, reckoning the
fifth person fit for military duty, the whole inhabitants in the province
might amount to near forty thousand. But the number of negroes was not
less than eighty or ninety thousand. As no exact register of the births
and funerals has been kept at Charlestown for several years, we cannot
ascertain the proportion between them. Formerly, when bills of mortality
were annually printed, the common computation was, that, while no
contagious disorder prevailed in town, one out of thirty-five died
yearly, or one out of each family in the space of seven years. However,
the list of deaths is often increased by the sailors and transient
persons that die in the town, and by malignant distempers imported into
it. It is generally believed, that the number of births among the settled
inhabitants exceeds that of funerals; but we shall affirm nothing with
respect to this matter without better authority than common observation
and conjecture.

    [Sidenote] A general view of the manners _&c._ of the people.

With respect to temper and character, the inhabitants of Carolina differ
little from those of Great Britain and Ireland; I mean, such as derived
their origin from those islands, for the descendents of other nations
still retain something of the complexion, manners and customs of those
countries from whence they came. In stature, the natives of Carolina are
about the middle size; for in Europe we meet with men both taller and
shorter. They are, generally speaking, more forward and quick in growth
than the natives of cold climates. Indeed we may say, there are no boys
or girls in the province, for from childhood they are introduced into
company, and assume the air and behaviour of men and women. Many of them
have an happy and natural quickness of apprehension, especially in the
common affairs of life, and manage business with ease and discretion; but
want that steadiness, application and perseverance necessary to the
highest improvements in the arts and sciences. Several natives who have
had their education in Britain, have distinguished themselves by their
knowledge in the laws and constitution of their country; but those who
have been bred in the province, having their ideas confined to a narrower
sphere, have as yet made little figure as men of genius or learning.
Agriculture being more lucrative than any other employment, all who
possess lands and negroes apply their chief attention to the improvement
of their fortune, regardless of the higher walks of science. They
commonly marry early in life, and of course are involved in domestic
cares and concerns before their minds have had time to ripen in knowledge
and judgment. In the progress of society they have not advanced beyond
that period in which men are distinguished more by their external than
internal accomplishments. Hence it happens, that beauty, figure, agility
and strength form the principal distinctions among them, especially in
the country. Among English people they are chiefly known by the number of
their slaves, the value of their annual produce, or the extent of their
landed estate. For the most part they are lively and gay, adapting their
dress to the nature of the climate in which they live, and discover no
small taste and neatness in their outward appearance. Their intercourse
and communication with Britain being easy and frequent, all novelties in
fashion, dress and ornament are quickly introduced; and even the spirit
of luxury and extravagance, too common in England, was beginning to creep
into Carolina. Almost every family kept their chaises for a single horse,
and some of the principal planters of late years have imported fine
horses and splendid carriages from Britain. They discover no bad taste
for the polite arts, such as music, drawing, fencing and dancing; and it
is acknowledged by all, but especially by strangers, that the ladies in
the province considerably outshine the men. They are not only sensible,
discreet and virtuous, but also adorned with most of those polite and
elegant accomplishments becoming their sex. The Carolineans in general
are affable and easy in their manners, and exceedingly kind and
hospitable to all strangers. There are few old men or women to be found
in the province, which is a sure sign of the unhealthiness of the
climate. We cannot say that there are many in the country that arrive at
their sixtieth year, and several at thirty bear the wrinkles, bald head
and grey hairs of old age. As every person by diligence and application
may earn a comfortable livelihood, there are few poor people in the
province, except the idle or unfortunate. Nor is the number of rich
people great; most of them being in what we call easy and independent
circumstances. It has been remarked, that there are more persons
possessed of between five and ten thousand pounds sterling in the
province, than are to be found any where among the same number of people.
In respect of rank, all men regarded their neighbour as their equal, and
a noble spirit of benevolence pervaded the society. In point of industry
the town was like a bee-hive, and there were none that reaped not
advantages more or less from the flourishing state of trade and commerce.
Pride and ambition had not as yet crept into this community; but the
province was fast advancing to that state of power and opulence, when
some distinctions among men necessarily take place.

    [Sidenote] And of their way of living.

With respect to the manner of living in Charlestown, it is nearly the
same as in England; and many circumstances concur to render it neither
very difficult nor expensive to furnish plentiful tables. They have tea
from England, and coffee, chocolate and sugar from the West Indies, in
plenty. Butter is good, especially at that season when the fields are
cleared of rice, and the cows are admitted into them; and it is so
plentiful that they export a good deal of it to the Leeward Islands. The
province produces some flour for bread; but it being of an inferior
quality, the inhabitants chiefly make use of that imported from New York
and Philadelphia. In the market there is plenty of beef, pork, veal,
poultry and venison, and a great variety of wild-fowls and salt-water
fish. The mutton from the low lands is not so good as that from the hills
in the interior parts, but as the back country is now well settled, it is
hoped that the market in time will be likewise well supplied with mutton
from it. They have also a variety of the finest fruits and vegetables in
their season. Their principal drink is punch, or grog, which is composed
of rum well diluted with water. With respect to wine, Madeira is not only
best suited to the climate, in which it improves by heat and age, but
also most commonly used by the people in general, though French, Spanish
and Portuguese wines are likewise presented at the tables of the most
opulent citizens. Besides these, they have porter and beer from England,
and cyder and perry from the northern colonies. Where rum is cheap,
excess in the use of it will not be uncommon, especially among the lower
class of people; but the gentlemen in general are sober, industrious and
temperate. In short, the people are not only blessed with plenty, but
with a disposition to share it among friends and neighbours; and many
will bear me witness, when I say, that travellers could scarcely go into
any city where they could meet with a society of people more agreeable,
intelligent and hospitable than that at Charlestown.

    [Sidenote] The arts and sciences only of late encouraged.

Though the arts and sciences had been long neglected, and have as yet
made no great progress in the province, yet of late years they have met
with great encouragement. The people in general stand not only much
indebted to an ingenious bookseller, who introduced many of the most
distinguished authors among them, but several of the most respectable
citizens also united and formed a society for the promotion of
literature, having obtained a charter of incorporation for that purpose.
All the new publications in London, and many of the most valuable books,
both ancient and modern, have been imported for the use of this society
the members of which were ambitious of proving themselves the worthy
descendants of British ancestors, by transporting not only their inferior
arts of industry and agriculture, but also their higher improvements in
philosophy and jurisprudence. Their design was not confined to the
present generation, but extended to posterity, having the institution of
a college in view, so soon as the funds of the society should admit of
it. News-papers were also printed, for supplying the province with the
freshest and most useful intelligence of all that passed in the political
and commercial world. For amusement the inhabitants of Charlestown had
not only books and public papers, but also assemblies, balls, concerts
and plays, which were attended by companies almost equally brilliant as
those of any town in Europe of the same size.

    [Sidenote] The militia and internal strength of the province.

Charlestown had its armoury, magazine, and militia, and every citizen,
like those of ancient Sparta, joined the military to the civil character.
The officers of the militia are appointed by the Governor, who commonly
nominates such men from among the inhabitants to command the rest as are
most distinguished for their courage and capacity. All men of the
military age being registered in the militia roll, each person knows the
company to which he belongs, the captain who commands it, and is
obligated to keep his arms in order, and to appear properly equipped in
case of any alarm or other emergency. We cannot say that the militia in
general made a good appearance, or seemed expert at the use of arms; but
the companies of grenadiers, light infantry, and artillery, were
extravagantly gay, and tolerably well disciplined. As most of the men
were equally independent as their officers, that prompt obedience to
orders, necessary in a regular army, could not be expected from them; but
being conscious that union of strength was necessary to the common
safety, on all emergencies they appeared under arms with alacrity and
expedition. By the militia law the merchants and tradesmen of the city
were subjected to some temporary inconveniencies and interruptions of
business; but as agriculture was chiefly carried on by slaves, and nature
brought the fruits of the earth to maturity, the planters in the country
had abundance of time to spare for military exercises. Their rural life,
and the constant use of arms, promoted a kind of martial spirit among
them, and the great dangers to which they were always exposed, habituated
them to face an enemy with resolution. Fortunately a natural antipathy
subsisted between Indians and negroes, and prevented the two from uniting
and conspiring the destruction of the colony. Therefore, while Indians
remained quiet and peaceable, it was not the interest of the province to
have them removed at a great distance; for had they been driven over the
Mississippi, or extirpated, their place would probably have been supplied
by fugitive slaves, who, by taking shelter in the mountains, would have
proved an enemy equally, if not more, cruel and formidable to Carolina
than the Indians themselves; or had the savage nations given
encouragement to slaves to fly to them for liberty and protection, fatal
must the consequences have been to the settlement.

    [Sidenote] Of its societies formed for mutual support and relief.

Thus exposed to barbarians, the members of this little community knew
that union of strength was not only requisite to the common safety, but
both interest and duty naturally led them to establish societies with a
particular view of raising funds for relieving each others wants. Though
every person was obliged by law to contribute, in proportion to his
estate, for the relief of the poor of the province, yet, besides this,
there were several societies formed and incorporated for the particular
purpose of assisting such families belonging to them as might happen to
be unfortunate in trade, or in any other way reduced to an indigent
state. Among these there is one called The South-Carolina Society, which
merits particular notice. At first it consisted not of the most opulent
citizens, though many of these afterwards joined it, but of persons in
moderate stations, who held it an essential duty to relieve one another
in such a manner as their circumstances would admit; accordingly they
united, elected officers, and, by trifling weekly contributions,
donations and legacies, together with good management, in process of time
accumulated a considerable stock. A common seal was provided, with the
device of a hand planting a vine, and the motto _Posteritati_. The
Heavens smile on humane and generous designs. Many observing the great
usefulness of this society, petitioned for admission into it; and as its
numbers increased its stock enlarged. In 1738, their capital amounted to
no more than L.213: 16 s.; but, in 1776, it had arisen to a sum not less
than L. 68,787: 10: 3, current money. All the while their works of
charity have likewise been conspicuous and extensive. Many unfortunate
and sinking families have been supported by them in a decent and
respectable manner. Many helpless orphans have been educated, and
prepared for being useful members of society. Several other societies in
Charlestown have been founded upon the same plan, and on many occasions
the inhabitants in general, (it may be mentioned to their honour), have
discovered a benevolent and charitable spirit, not only to poor people in
the province, but also to unfortunate strangers.

    [Sidenote] Of its merchants and trade.

The merchants in Carolina are a respectable body of men, industrious and
indefatigable in business, free, open and generous in their manner of
conducting it. The whole warehouses in Charlestown were like one common
store, to which every trader had access for supplying his customers with
those kinds of goods and manufactures which they wanted. The merchants of
England, especially since the late peace, observing the colonies
perfectly secure, and depending on the strength of the British navy for
the protection of trade, vied with each other for customers in America,
and stretched their credit to its utmost extent for supplying the
provinces. Hence every one of them were well furnished with all kinds of
merchandise. But as the staples of Carolina were valuable, and in much
demand, credit was extended to that province almost without limitation,
and vast multitudes of negroes, and goods of all kinds, were yearly sent
to it. In proportion as the merchants of Charlestown received credit from
England, they were enabled to extend it to the planters in the country,
who purchased slaves with great eagerness, and enlarged their culture.
Though the number of planters had of late years much increased, yet they
bore no proportion to the vast extent of territory, and lands were still
easily procured, either by patent or by purchase. According to the number
of hands employed in labour, agriculture prospered and trade was
enlarged. An uncommon circumstance also attended this rapid progress,
which was favourable to the planting interest, and proved an additional
incentive to industry. The price of staple commodities arose as the
quantity brought to market increased. In 1761 rice sold at forty
shillings per barrel, and indigo at two shillings per lib.; but in 1771
in so flourishing a state was the commerce of this country, that rice
brought at market three pounds ten shillings per barrel, and indigo three
shillings per lib. At the same time the quantity increased so much, that
the exports of Carolina amounted, upon an average of three years after
the peace, to L. 395,666: 13: 4; but, in 1771, the exports in that year
alone arose to a sum not less than L. 756,000 sterling. How great then
must the imports have been, when the province, notwithstanding this
amazing increase, still remained in debt to the mother country.

    [Sidenote] Of its planters and agriculture.

To this advanced state had Carolina arrived in point of improvement.
Agriculture, beyond doubt, is of such importance to every country, that,
next to public security and the distribution of justice and equity, it is
the interest of every government to encourage it. Nothing could more
manifestly promote industry and agriculture, than that fair and equitable
division of lands among the people which took place in this province.
Immense tracts of ground in possession of one man, without hands to
cultivate and improve them, are only unprofitable deserts: but when lands
are judiciously parcelled out among the people, industry is thereby
encouraged, population increased, and trade promoted. The lands first
yield abundance for the inhabitants, and then more than they can consume.
When this is the case, the overplus can be spared for procuring foreign
articles of exchange, and the province is thereby furnished with the
conveniencies and luxuries of another climate and country. Then the
planter's views are turned to the advantages of trade, and the
merchant's, in return, to the success of husbandry. From which time a
mutual dependence subsists between them, and it is the interest of the
one to encourage the other. For when the merchants receive nothing from
the province, it is impossible they can afford to import anything into
it. Without cultivation commerce must always languish, being deprived of
its chief supplies, the fruits of the earth. Without credit from the
merchant there would have been little encouragement to emigrate to
Carolina. A single arm could make little impression on the forest. A poor
family, depending for support on the labour of one man, would have long
remained in a starving condition, and scarcely ten of an hundred
emigrants, obliged to work in such a climate, would have survived the
tenth year after their arrival. To what causes then shall we ascribe the
prosperity of the province? The answer is plain. Under the royal care the
people, being favoured with every advantage resulting from public
security, an indulgent government, abundance of land, large credit,
liberty to labour and to reap the whole fruits of it, protection to
trade, and an excellent market for every staple, laboured with success.
These were powerful motives to emigrate, strong incentives to industry,
and the principal causes of its rapid advances towards maturity. No
colony that ever was planted can boast of greater advantages. Few have,
in the space of an hundred years, improved and flourished in an equal
degree.

Notwithstanding the favourable situation for agriculture in which the
Carolineans stood, they remained slovenly husbandmen, and every stranger
was astonished at the negligent manner in which all estates in the
province were managed. Those planters who had arrived at easy or affluent
circumstances employed overseers; and having little to do but to ride
round their fields now and then, to see that their affairs were not
neglected, or their slaves abused, indulge themselves in rural
amusements, such as racing, mustering, hunting, fishing, or social
entertainments. For the gun and dog the country affords some game, such
as small partridges, woodcocks, rabbits, _&c._ but few of the planters
are fond of that kind of diversion. To chace the fox or the deer is their
favourite amusement, and they are forward and bold riders, and make their
way through the woods and thickets with astonishing speed. The horses of
the country, though hardy and serviceable animals, make little figure;
and therefore, to improve the breed, many have been of late years
imported from England. The planters being fond of fine horses, have been
at great pains to raise them, so that they now have plenty of an
excellent kind, both for the carriage and the turf.

In every plantation great care is taken in making dams to preserve water,
for overflowing the rice-fields in summer, without which they will yield
no crops. In a few years after this pond is made, the planters find it
stocked with a variety of fishes; but in what manner they breed, or
whence they come, they cannot tell, and therefore leave that matter to
philosophical inquirers to determine. Some think that the spawn of fishes
is exhaled from the large lakes of fresh water in the continent, and
being brought in thunder-clouds, falls with the drops of rain into these
reservoirs of water. Others imagine that it must have remained every
where among the sand since that time the sea left these maritime parts of
the continent. Others are of opinion, that young fish are brought by
water-fowls, which are very numerous, from one pond to another, and there
dropt, by which means the new-made pools receive their supply. But be the
cause what it will, the effect is visible and notorious all over the
country. When the ponds are stocked with fishes, it becomes an agreeable
amusement to catch them, by hawling a sene[*] through the pool. Parties
of pleasure are formed for this purpose, so that the young planters, like
gentlemen of fortune, being often abroad at these rural sports and social
entertainments, their domestic affairs by such means are much neglected,
and their plantations carelessly managed.

[Transcriber's note: The word 'sene' appears thus in the original. Might
be an uncommon misprint of 'sieve'.]

But even among the most diligent and attentive planters we see not that
nice arrangement and order in their fields observable in most places of
Europe, probably owing to the plenty and cheapness of land. In every
country where landed estates are easily procured, they engross not that
care and attention requisite for making them yield the greatest returns.
The freeholds in Carolina are not only easily obtained by patent or
purchase, but also all alienable at pleasure; so that few of the present
generation of planters regulate their system of husbandry upon any
established principles or plans, much less with any views to posterity.
In no country have the finest improvements been found in the first ages
of cultivation. This remains for a future day, and when lands shall be
more scarce and valuable, and the country better peopled; then, it is
probable, Carolina will cover, like other countries, the effects of the
nice art and careful management of the husbandman.

At present the common method of cultivation is as follows. After the
planter has obtained his tract of land, and built a house upon it, he
then begins to clear his field of that load of wood with which the land
is covered. Nature points out to him where to begin his labours; for the
soil, however various, is every where easily distinguished, by the
different kinds of trees which grow upon it. Having cleared his field, he
next surrounds it with a wooden fence, to exclude all hogs, sheep and
cattle from it. This field he plants with rice or indigo, year after
year, until the lands are exhausted or yield not a crop sufficient to
answer his expectations. Then it is forsaken, and a fresh spot of land is
cleared and planted, which is also treated in like manner, and in
succession forsaken and neglected. Although there are vast numbers of
cattle bred in the province, yet no manure is provided for improving the
soil. No trials of a different grain are made. No grass seeds are sown in
the old fields for enriching the pastures, so that either shrubs and
bushes again spring up in them, or they are overgrown with a kind of
coarse grass, grateful or nourishing to no animal. Like farmers often
moving from place to place, the principal study with the planters is the
art of making the largest profit for the present time, and if this end is
obtained, it gives them little concern how much the land may be
exhausted. The emulation that takes place among the present generation,
is not who shall put his estate in the most beautiful order, who shall
manage it with most skill and judgment for posterity; but who shall bring
the largest crop to the market. Let their children provide for
themselves. They will endeavour to leave them plenty of labourers, and
they know they can easily obtain abundance of lands; vain and absurd,
therefore, would it be to bestow much pains and time in preparing this or
that landed estate for them, and laying it out in fine order, which they
are certain will be deserted so soon as the lands are exhausted.

Such is the present method of carrying on agriculture in Carolina, and it
may do for some time, but every one must clearly see that it will be
productive of bad effects. The richness of the soil, and the vast
quantity of lands, have deceived many, even those men who had been bred
farmers in England, and made them turn out as careless husbandmen as the
natives themselves. Wherever you go in this province, you may discover
the ignorance of the people with respect to agriculture, and the small
degree of perfection to which they have yet attained in this useful art.
This will not be the case much longer, for lands will become scarce, and
time and experience, by unfolding the nature of the soil, and discovering
to the planters their errors, will teach them, as circumstances change,
to alter also their present rules, and careless manner of cultivation. In
every country improvements are gradual and progressive. In such a
province as Carolina, where the lands are good, new staples will be
introduced, new sources of wealth will open; and, if we may judge from
what is past, we may conclude, that, if no misunderstandings or quarrels
shall interrupt its future progress, it certainly promises to be one of
the most flourishing settlements in the world. We have seen that its
exports are already very great, even while the lands are negligently
cultivated and ill managed; but how much greater will they be when the
art of agriculture shall hare arrived at the same degree of perfection in
that province as in England.

    [Sidenote] An interruption of the harmony between Britain and her
    colonies, and the causes of it.

Such, at this period, was the happy situation of the people and province
of South Carolina; safe under the royal care and protection, and
advancing to an opulent state by the unlimited credit and great
indulgence granted by Britain. However, if we proceed a little farther,
we shall see the face of things gradually changing. We shall behold the
mother country, as the wealth of her colonies increased, attempting some
alteration in their political and commercial system: and the different
provinces, infected with pride and ambition, aspiring after independence.
Let us take a slight view of the causes of that unhappy quarrel which at
this time began between them, and afterwards proceeded to such a degree
of violence as to threaten a total dissolution of all political union and
commercial intercourse.

It might have been expected that those colonies would not soon forget
their obligations to the mother country, by which they had been so long
cherished and defended. As all the colonies were in themselves so many
independent societies, and as in every state protection and allegiance
are reciprocal and inseparable duties, one would have thought that
subjects would yield obedience to the laws, and submission to the
authority of that government under which they claimed protection. Such
was the constitution of the provinces, that each, by its own legislature,
could only regulate the internal police within the bounds of its
territory. Thus far, and no farther, did its authority extend. Not one of
them could either make or execute regulations binding upon another. They
had no common council, empowered by the constitution, to act for and to
bind all, though perhaps good policy now required the establishment of
such a council, for the purpose of raising a revenue from them. Every
member of the vast empire might perceive, that some common tax, regularly
and impartially imposed, in proportion to the strength of each division,
was necessary to the future defence and protection of the whole. In
particular, the people of Great Britain, when they looked forward to the
possible contingency of a new war, and considered the burdens under which
they groaned, had a melancholy and dreadful prospect before them; and the
parliament considered it as their indispensible duty to relieve them as
much as possible, and provide for the safety of the state by a
proportionable charge on all its subjects. For as the exemption of one
part from this equal charge was unreasonable and unjust, so it might tend
to alienate the hearts of these subjects residing in one corner of the
empire from those in another, and destroy that union and harmony in which
the strength of the whole consisted.

Such were probably the views and designs of the parliament of Great
Britain at this juncture, with respect to America. At the same time, if
we consider the genius, temper and circumstances of the Americans, we
will find them jealous of their liberties, proud of their strength, and
sensible of their importance to Britain. They had hitherto obeyed the
laws of the British parliament; but their great distance, their vast
extent of territory, their numerous ports and conveniencies for trade,
their increasing numbers, their various productions, and consequently
their growing power, had now prepared and enabled them for resisting such
laws as they deemed inconsistent with their interest, or dangerous to
their liberty. Some of these colonists even inherited a natural aversion
to monarchy from their forefathers, and on all occasions discovered a
strong tendency towards a republican form Of government, both in church
and state. So that, before the parliament began to exert its authority
for raising a revenue from them, they were prepared to shew their
importance, and well disposed for resisting that supreme power, and
loosening by degrees their connection with the parent state.

America was not only sensible of her growing strength and importance, but
also of the weakness of the mother country, reduced by a tedious and
expensive war, and groaning under an immense load of national debt. The
colonies boasted of the assistance they had given during the war, and
Great Britain, sensible of their services, was generous enough to
reimburse them part of the expences which they had incurred. After this
they began to over-rate their importance, to rise in their demands, and
to think so highly of their trade and alliance, as to deem it impossible
for Britain to support her credit without them. In vain did the mother
country rely upon their gratitude for past favours, so as to expect
relief with respect to her present burdens. We allow, that the first
generation of emigrants retained some affection for Britain during their
lives, and gloried in calling her their home and their mother country;
but this natural impression wears away from the second, and is entirely
obliterated in the third. Among the planters in all the colonies this was
manifestly the case; the sons of Englishmen in America by degrees lost
their affection for England, and it was remarkable, that the most violent
enemies to Scotland were the descendants of Scotchmen.

But among merchants, the attachment to any particular country is still
sooner lost. Men whose great object is money, and whose business is to
gather it as fast as possible, in fact retain a predilection for any
country no longer than it affords them the greatest advantages. They are
citizens of the world at large, and provided they gain money, it is a
matter of indifference to them to what country they trade, and from what
quarter of the globe it comes. England is the best country for them, so
long as it allows them to reap the greatest profits in the way of
traffic; and when that is not the case, a trade with France, Spain, or
Holland will answer better. If the laws of Great Britain interfere with
their favourite views and interests, merchants will endeavour to elude
them, and smuggle in spite of legal authority. Of late years, although
the trade of the colonies with the mother country had increased beyond
the hopes of the most sanguine politicians, yet the American merchants
could not be confined to it, but carried on a contraband trade with the
colonies of France and Spain, in defiance of all the British laws of
trade and navigation. This illicit trade the people had found very
advantageous, having their returns in specie for their provisions and
goods, and the vast number of creeks and rivers in America proved
favourable to such smugglers. During the late war this trade had been
made a treasonable practice, as it served to supply those islands which
Britain wanted to reduce; but, after the conclusion of the war, it
returned to its former channel, and increased beyond example in any past
period.

    [Sidenote] The new regulations made in the trade of the colonies give
    great offence.

To prevent this illicit commerce, it was found necessary, soon after the
peace, to establish some new regulations in the trade of the colonies.
For this purpose some armed sloops and cutters were stationed on the
coasts of America, whose commanders had authority to act as revenue
officers, and to seize all ships employed in that contraband trade,
whether belonging to foreigners or fellow-subjects. And to render these
commercial regulations the more effectual, courts of admiralty were
erected, and invested with a jurisdiction more extensive than usual. In
consequence of the restrictions laid on this trade, which the smugglers
found so advantageous, it suffered much, and, notwithstanding the number
of creeks and rivers, was almost annihilated. This occasioned some very
spirited representations to be sent across the Atlantic by merchants, who
declared that the Americans bought annually to the amount of three
millions of British commodities: That their trade with the French and
Spanish colonies took off such goods as remained an encumbrance on their
hands, and made returns in specie, to the mutual advantage of both
parties concerned in it. They complained, that the British ships of war
were converted into Guarda Costas, and their commanders into custom-house
officers; an employment utterly unworthy of the exalted character of the
British navy: That naval officers were very unfit for this business in
which they were employed, being naturally imperious in their tempers, and
little acquainted with the various cases in which ships were liable to
penalties, or in which they were exempted from detention: That that
branch of trade was thereby ruined, by which alone they were furnished
with gold and silver for making remittances to England; and that though
the loss fell first upon them, it would ultimately fall on the commerce
and revenue of Great Britain.

    [Sidenote] A vote passed for charging stamp-duties on the Americans.

Soon after this an act of parliament was passed, which, while it in some
respects rendered this commercial intercourse with the foreign
settlements legal, at the same time loaded a great part of the trade with
duties, and ordered the money arising from them to be paid in specie to
the British exchequer. Instead of giving the colonists any relief, this
occasioned greater murmurs and complaints among them, as it manifestly
tended to drain the provinces of their gold and silver. At the same time
another act was passed, for preventing such paper bills of credit as
might afterwards be issued for the conveniency of their internal
commerce, from being made a legal tender in the payment of debts. This
served to multiply their grievances, and aggravate their distress. But
that the provinces might he supplied with money for their internal trade,
all gold and silver arising from these duties were to be reserved, and
applied to the particular purpose of paying troops stationed in the
colonies for their defence. Several new regulations for encouraging their
trade with Great Britain were also established. In consequence of a
petition for opening more ports for the rice trade, leave was granted to
the provinces of South Carolina and Georgia to carry their rice for a
limited time into foreign parts, on its paying British duties at the
place of exportation. A bounty was given on hemp and undressed flax
imported into Britain from the American colonies; and a bill was passed
for encouraging the whale-fishery on the coasts of America: which
advantages, it was thought, would amply compensate for any loss the
colonies might sustain by the duties laid on their foreign trade. But the
colonists, especially those in New England, who had advanced to such a
degree of strength as rendered troops unnecessary for their defence, were
too much soured in their tempers, to allow that Great Britain had any
other than self-interested views in her whole conduct towards them. They
murmured and complained, and resolved on a plan of retrenchment with
respect to the purchasing of British manufactures; but still they
presumed not openly to call in question the authority of the British
legislature over them. But the time was at hand when their affection to
the mother country, which was already considerably weaned, should undergo
a greater trial, and when their real dispositions with respect to the
obedience due to the British parliament would no longer be concealed. A
vote passed in the House of Commons, and very unanimously, "That, towards
the farther defraying of the necessary expences of protecting the
colonies, it may he proper to charge certain stamp-duties upon them."

    [Sidenote] Upon which the people of New-England discover their
    disaffection to government.

When the news of this determination reached America, all the colonies
were in some degree uneasy at the thoughts of paying taxes; but the
colonists of New England, as if ripe for some commotion, were alarmed
with the most terrible apprehensions and suspicions, openly affirming,
that the King, Lords and Commons had formed a design for enslaving them,
and had now begun deliberately to put it in execution. Immediately they
entered into associations for distressing the mother country, from a
principle of resentment, as some thought, agreeing to purchase as few
clothes and goods from her as possible, and to encourage manufactures of
all kinds within themselves. They pretended that they were driven to such
measures by necessity; but in reality they had nothing less in view than
their favourite plan of independence, for the accomplishment of which it
required time to secure the union and help of the other colonies, without
which they plainly perceived all attempts of their own would be vain and
fruitless. Accordingly they established a correspondence with some
leading men in each colony, representing the conduct of Great Britain in
the most odious light, and declaring that nothing could prevent them and
their posterity from being made slaves but the firmest union and most
vigorous opposition of every colony, to all laws made in Great Britain on
purpose to raise a revenue in the plantations. A few discontented
persons, who are commonly to be found in every legislature, joined the
disaffected colonists of New England; and though at this time the party
was inconsiderable, yet being more firmly cemented together by the
prospect of a stamp-act, which equally affected the interest of all, it
by degrees gained strength, and at length became formidable.

    [Sidenote] An opportunity given the colonies to offer a compensation
    for the stamp-duty.

Such measures, however, did not intimidate the British ministers, who
imagined that an association entered into from a principle of resentment
would be of short duration, and that the colonies in general would be
averse from any serious quarrel with the mother country, upon which they
depended for safety and protection. And although they were well apprised
of this sullen and obstinate disposition of the colonists before the bill
was introduced, yet they took no measures for preventing that opposition,
which they had reason to believe would be made to the execution of their
law. On the contrary, time was imprudently given to sound the temper of
the colonies with respect to it, and to give them an opportunity of
offering a compensation for it in their own way, in case they were
dissatisfied with that method of raising a revenue for their defence. The
minister even signified to the agents of the colonies his readiness to
receive proposals from them for any other tax that might be equivalent to
the stamp-duty. This he did although he thought that the parliament not
only had a right to tax them, but also that it was expedient and proper
to exercise that right. For as the colonies had no common council
empowered by their constitution to bind all, their taxing themselves
equally and impartially would be a matter of great difficulty, even
although they should be disposed to agree to it. But the colonies,
instead of making any proposal for raising a revenue by a stamp-duty or
any other way, sent home petitions to be presented to King, Lords, and
Commons, questioning, in the most direct and positive terms, the
jurisdiction of Parliament over their properties.

    [Sidenote] The stamp-act passes in parliament.

In this situation of affairs, the Parliament, sensible of the heavy
burden which already lay on the people of Great Britain, and of the
addition to it which another war must occasion, thought it their
indispensable duty to exert that authority, which before this time had
never been called in question, for relieving this oppressed part of the
nation, and providing for the common safety, by a charge impartially laid
upon all subjects, in proportion to their abilities. The tender
indulgence exercised by a parent over her children in their infant state,
was now considered as both unreasonable and unnecessary in that state of
maturity to which the colonies had advanced. All were obliged to confess,
that the people of America were favoured with the same privileges and
advantages with their fellow-subjects of Britain, and justice required
that they should contribute to the necessary expences of that government
under which they lived, and by which they were protected. A revenue was
necessary to the future security of America; and on whom should it be
raised, but those colonists who were to enjoy the benefit of such
protection. Therefore the bill for laying a stamp-duty upon the colonies
was brought into parliament; which, after much debate, and many strong
arguments urged on both sides, passed through both houses, and received
the royal assent by commission, on the 22d of March, 1765. At the same
time, to compensate for the operations of the stamp-act, another was made
to encourage the importation of all kinds of timber from the colonies
into Britain: and as the estimated produce of the stamp-act amounted only
to L. 60,000 _per annum_, and timber was so plentiful over all the
plantations, it was thought that the great advantage which the colonies
must reap from the latter act, would be an ample recompense for the loss
they might sustain from the former.

    [Sidenote]  Violent measures taken to prevent its execution.

In the mean time the inhabitants of New England were industrious in
spreading an alarm of danger over all the continent, and making all
possible preparations for resistance. They had turned a jealous eye
towards the mother country, where they had many friends employed to watch
her conduct, who failed not to give them the earliest intelligence of
what was doing in parliament. While they received the news that the
stamp-act had passed, they at the same time had intelligence of that
violent opposition it had met with from a strong faction in the House of
Commons. And if their friends in Britain had the boldness to call in
question both the right of the British legislature to impose taxes on the
colonies, and the expediency of exercising that right, they thought that
they had much better reason to do so; and that none deserved the blessing
of liberty who had not courage to assert their right to it. Accordingly,
no means were neglected that could inflame and exasperate the populace.
Bold and seditious speeches were made to stir up the people to
resistance; by representing the act in the most odious light, and
affirming that it would be attended with consequences subversive of all
their invaluable rights and privileges. They declared that silence was a
crime at such a critical time, and that a tame submission to the
stamp-act would leave their liberties and properties entirely at the
disposal of a British parliament. Having obtained a copy of the act, they
publicly burnt it. The ships in the harbours hung out their colours
half-mast high, in token of the deepest mourning; the bells in the
churches were muffled, and set a-ringing, to communicate the melancholy
news from one parish to another. These flames, kindled in New England,
soon spread through all the capital towns along the coast; so that there
was scarcely a sea-port town in America in which combinations were not
framed for opposing the introduction of stamp-paper.

When the vessels arrived which carried those stamp-papers to America, the
captains were obliged to take shelter under the stern of some ships of
war, or to surrender their cargoes into the hands of the enraged
populace. The gentlemen appointed to superintend the distribution of
stamps, were met by the mob at their landing, and compelled to resign
their office. All men suspected of having any desire of complying with
the act, or of favouring the introduction of stamps into America, were
insulted and abused. The governors of the provinces had no military force
to support civil authority. The magistrates connived at these irregular
and riotous proceedings of the people. The assemblies adopted the
arguments of the minority in parliament, and took encouragement from them
to resist the authority of the supreme legislature. Though each colony in
respect of another was a separate and independent society, without any
political connection, or any supreme head to call the representatives of
the people together, to act in concert for the common good; yet in this
case almost all, of their own authority, sent deputies to meet in
congress at New York, who drew up and signed one general declaration of
their rights, and of the grievances under which they laboured, and
transmitted a petition to the King, Lords and Commons, imploring relief.

    [Sidenote] The assembly of Carolina study ways and means of eluding
    the act.

Among the rest a party in South Carolina, which province at this time,
from inclination, duty and interest, was very firmly attached to the
mother country, entered warmly into the general opposition.
Lieutenant-governor Bull, a native of the province, manifested a desire
of complying with the act, and supporting the legal and constitutional
dependency of the colony on the crown and parliament of Great Britain;
but wanted power sufficient for maintaining the dignity and authority of
his government, and carrying that act into execution. Several old and
wise men joined him, and declared that they had formerly taken an active
part in bringing the province under his majesty's care, but would now be
very cautious of resisting the authority of parliament, and robbing it of
that protection which it had so long and so happily enjoyed. The members
of assembly, finding the Lieutenant-governor determined to transact no
public business but in compliance with the act of parliament, began to
deliberate how they might best elude it. For this purpose they addressed
him, begging to be informed whether the stamp act, said to be passed in
parliament, had been transmitted to him by the Secretary of State, the
Lords of Trade; or any other authentic channel, since he considered
himself as under obligations to enforce it. He replied, that he had
received it from Thomas Boone, the Governor of the province. The assembly
declared, that they could consider Mr. Boone, while out of the bounds of
his government, in no other light than that of a private gentleman, and
that his receiving it in such a channel was not authority sufficient to
oblige him to execute so grievous an act. But Mr. Bull and his council
were of opinion, that the channel in which he had received it was equally
authentic with that in which he had formerly received many laws, to which
they had quietly submitted. Upon which the assembly came to the following
resolutions, which were signed by Peter Manigault their speaker, and
ordered to be printed, that they might be transmitted to posterity, in
order to shew the sense of that house with respect to the obedience due
by America to the British parliament.

    [Sidenote] Their resolutions respecting the obedience due to the
    British parliament.

"Resolved, That his Majesty's subjects in Carolina owe the same
allegiance to the crown of Great Britain that is due from its subjects
born there. That his Majesty's liege subjects of this province are
entitled to all the inherent rights and liberties of his natural born
subjects within the kingdom of Great Britain. That the inhabitants of
this province appear also to be confirmed in all the rights
aforementioned, not only by their character, but by an act of parliament,
13th George II. That it is inseparably essential to the freedom of a
people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen, that no taxes be imposed
on them but with their own consent. That the people of this province are
not, and from their local circumstances cannot be represented in the
House of Commons in Great Britain; and farther, that, in the opinion of
this house, the several powers of legislation in America were constituted
in some measure upon the apprehension of this impracticability. That the
only representatives of the people of this province are persons chosen
therein by themselves; and that no taxes ever have been, or can be,
constitutionally imposed on them but by the legislature of this province.
That all supplies to the Crown being free gifts of the people, it is
unreasonable and inconsistent with the principles and spirit of the
British constitution for the people of Great Britain to grant to his
Majesty the property of the people of this province. That trial by jury
is the inherent and invaluable right of every British subject in this
province. That the act of parliament, entitled, An act for granting and
applying certain stamp-duties and other duties on the British colonies
and plantations in America, _&c._ by imposing taxes on the inhabitants of
this province; and the said act and several other acts, by extending the
jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty beyond its ancient limits, have a
manifest tendency to subvert the rights and liberties of this province.
That the duties imposed by several late acts of parliament on the people
of this province will be extremely burdensome and grievous; and, from the
scarcity of gold and silver, the payment of them absolutely
impracticable. That as the profits of the trade of the people of this
province ultimately center in Great Britain, to pay for the manufactures
which they are obliged to take from thence, they eventually contribute
very largely to all the supplies granted to the Crown; and besides, as
every individual in this province is as advantageous at least to Great
Britain as if he were in Great Britain, as they pay their full proportion
of taxes for the support of his Majesty's government here, (which taxes
are equal, or more, in proportion to our estates, than those paid by our
fellow subjects in Great Britain upon theirs), it is unreasonable for
them to be called upon to pay any further part of the charges of
government there. That the assemblies of this province have from time to
time, whenever requisitions have been made to them by his Majesty, for
carrying on military operations, either for the defence of themselves or
America in general, most cheerfully and liberally contributed their full
proportion of men and money for these services. That though the
representatives of the people of this province had equal assurances and
reasons with those of the other provinces, to expect a proportional
reimbursement of those immense charges they had been at for his Majesty's
service in the late war, out of the several parliamentary grants for the
use of America; yet they have obtained only their proportion of the first
of those grants, and the small sum of L. 285 sterling received since.
That, notwithstanding, whenever his Majesty's service shall for the
future require the aids of the inhabitants of this province, and they
shall be called upon for this purpose in a constitutional way, it shall
be their indispensable duty most cheerfully and liberally to grant to his
Majesty their proportion, according to their ability, of men and money,
for the defence, security, and other public services of the British
American colonies. That the restrictions on the trade of the people of
this province, together with the late duties and taxes imposed on them by
act of parliament, must necessarily greatly lessen the consumption of
British manufactures amongst them. That the increase, prosperity and
happiness of the people of this province, depend on the full and free
enjoyment of their rights and liberties, and on an affectionate
intercourse with Great Britain. That the readiness of the colonies to
comply with his Majesty's requisitions, as well as their inability to
bear any additional taxes beyond what is laid on them by their respective
legislatures, is apparent from several grants of parliament, to reimburse
them part of the heavy expences they were at in the late war in America.
That it is the right of the British subjects of this province to petition
the King, or either house of parliament. Ordered, That these votes be
printed and made public, that a just sense of the liberty, and the firm
sentiments of loyalty of the representatives of the people of this
province, may be known to their constituents, and transmitted to
posterity."

    [Sidenote] The people become more violent in opposition to
    government.

Notwithstanding these resolutions, few of the inhabitants of Carolina,
even the most sanguine, entertained the smallest hopes of a repeal; but
expected, after all their struggles, that they would be obliged to
submit.  Indeed a very small force in the province at that time would
have been sufficient to quell the tumults and insurrections of the
people, and enforce obedience to legal authority. But to the imprudence
of ministers, the faction in parliament, and the weakness of the civil
power in America, the resistance of the colonies may be ascribed. Had the
stamp-duty been laid on them without any previous notice of the
resolution of parliament, it is not improbable that they would have
received it as they had done other acts of the British legislature. Or
had the parliament been unanimous in passing the act, and taken proper
measures for carrying it into execution, there is little doubt but the
colonies would have submitted to it. For however generally the people
might be indisposed for admitting of that or any other tax, yet a great
majority of them at this time were averse from calling in question the
supreme authority of the British parliament. But a small flame, which at
first is easily extinguished, when permitted to spread, has often been
productive of great conflagrations. The riotous and turbulent party,
encouraged by the minority in England, set the feeble power of government
in America at defiance. The better sort of people mingled with the
rioters, and made use of the arguments of their friends in England to
inflame and exasperate them. At length, they not only agreed to adhere to
their former illegal combinations for distressing and starving the
English manufactures, but also to with-hold from British merchants their
just debts. This they imagined would raise such commotions in Britain as
could not fail to overturn the ministry, or intimidate the parliament.

    [Sidenote] The merchants and manufacturers in England join in
    petitioning for relief.

In consequence of these disturbances and combinations in America, great
evils began to be felt in England, and still greater to be feared. The
temporary interruption of commercial intercourse between the mother
country and the colonies was very prejudicial to both. That large body of
people engaged in preparing, purchasing and sending out goods to the
continent were deprived of employment, and consequently of the means of
subsistence; than which nothing could be conceived more likely to excite
commotions in England. The revenue suffered by the want of the export and
import duties. Petitions flowed into parliament from all quarters, not
only from the colonies in America, but also from the trading and
manufacturing towns in Great Britain, praying for such relief as to that
house might seem expedient, at a juncture so alarming. The ministers
having neglected to take the proper measures to enforce their law, while
the matter was easy and practicable, were now obliged to yield to the
rising current, and resign their places. By the interposition of the duke
of Cumberland, such a change in the administration took place as promised
an alteration of measures with respect to America. Mr. Pitt, who highly
disapproved of the scheme for raising a revenue from the colonies, having
long been detained by indisposition from parliament, had now so much
recovered as to be able to attend the house.--The history of what follows
is disgraceful to Great Britain, being entirely composed of lenient
concessions in favour of a rising usurpation, and of such shameful
weakness and timidity in the ministry, as afterwards rendered the
authority of the British parliament in America feeble and contemptible.

    [Sidenote]  The stamp-act repealed.

No sooner had this change in administration taken place, than all papers
and petitions relative to the stamp-act, both from Great Britain and
America, were ordered to be laid before the House of Commons. The house
resolved itself into a committee, to consider of those papers, about the
beginning of the year 1766. Leave was given to bring in a bill for
repealing an act of last session of parliament, entitled, An act for
granting and applying certain stamp-duties and other duties, in the
British colonies and plantations in America, towards defraying the
expenses of protecting and securing the same. When this bill came into
parliament a warm debate ensued, and Mr. Pitt with several more members
strongly urged the necessity of a repeal. He made a distinction between
external and internal taxes, and denied not only the right of parliament
to impose the latter on the colonies, but also the justice, equity,
policy and expediency of exercising that right. Accordingly, while it was
declared that the King, by and with the consent of the Lords spiritual
and temporal, and Commons of Great Britain in parliament assembled, had,
have, and of right ought to have, full power and authority to make laws
and statutes of sufficient force and validity to bind the colonies and
people of America, subjects of the crown of Great Britain, in all cases
whatsoever; the stamp-act was repealed, because it appeared that the
continuance of it would be attended with many inconveniences, and might
be productive of consequences detrimental to the commercial interest of
these kingdoms.

    [Sidenote] Which proves fatal to the jurisdiction of the British
    parliament in America.

This concession in favour of the rising usurpation, instead of proving
favourable to the commercial interests of the nation, had rather the
contrary effect, and served to set the colonies in some measure free from
the legislative authority of Britain. It gave such importance to the
licentious party in America, and such superiority over the good and loyal
subjects as had a manifest tendency to throw the colonies into a state of
anarchy and confusion. It served to promote a doctrine among them
subversive of all good government, which plainly implied, that the
obedience of subjects was no longer due to the laws of the supreme
legislature, than they in their private judgments might think them
agreeable to their interest, or the particular notions which they may
have framed of a free constitution. While it gave countenance and
encouragement to the riotous and turbulent subjects in America, who at
that time were neither an opulent nor respectable party in the colonies,
it exposed the real friends of government to popular prejudice, and
rendered their affections more cool, and their future endeavours in
support of government more feeble and ineffectual. For after repealing
the stamp-act, without any previous submission on the part of the
colonies, how could it be expected that any gentleman would risque his
domestic peace, his fortune, or his life, in favour of a distant
government ready to desert him, and leave him subjected to all the
insults and outrages of future insurgents? How could it be imagined that
these colonies, that had set the power of Great Britain at defiance, and
obtained what they aimed at by tumults and insurrections, would
afterwards remain quiet? As they had opposed the stamp-act, assigning for
reason that they were not represented in parliament, was it not evident
that the same reason would extend to all other laws which the parliament
might enact to bind them in times to come, or had enacted to bind them in
times past? The repeal of the stamp-act upon such a principle, and in
such circumstances of tumult, unquestionably served to encourage the
colonies in disobedience, and to prepare their minds for asserting their
independence.

    [Sidenote] And gives occasion of triumph to the colonies.

When the news of the repeal of this act reached America, it afforded the
colonists, as might have been expected, matter of great triumph. The most
extravagant demonstrations of joy, by bonfires, illuminations and ringing
of bells, were exhibited in every capital. The Carolineans sent to
England for a marble statue of Mr. Pitt, and erected it in the middle of
Charlestown, in grateful remembrance of the noble stand he had made in
defence of their rights and liberties. Addresses were sent home to the
King, acknowledging the wisdom and justice of his government in the
repeal of the grievous act, and expressing their happiness that their
former harmony and commercial intercourse, so beneficial to both
countries, were restored. But soon after it appeared that the power of
Great Britain in America had received a fatal blow, such as she would
never be able to recover without the severest struggles and boldest
exertions. For whatever fair professions of friendship some colonies
might make, the strongest of them retained their natural aversion to
monarchy, and were well disposed for undermining the civil
establishments, and paving the way for their entire subversion. The
British government, formerly so much revered, was now deemed oppressive
and tyrannical. The little island, they said, had become jealous of their
dawning power and splendour, and it behoved every one to watch her
conduct with a sharp eye, and carefully guard their civil and religious
liberties. Accordingly, for the future, we will find, that the more Great
Britain seemed to avoid, the more the colonies seemed to seek for,
grounds of quarrel; and the more the former studied to unite, by the ties
of common interest, the more the latter strove to dissolve every
political and commercial connection. Their minds and affections being
alienated from the mother country, they next discovered an uneasiness
under the restraints of legal authority. They quarrelled almost with
every governor, found fault with all instructions from England which
clashed with their leading passions and interests, and made use of every
art for weakening the hands of civil government. Their friends in Britain
had gloried that they had resisted; and now subjection of every kind was
called slavery, and the spirit of disorder and disobedience which had
broke out continued and prevailed. At length, even the navigation-act was
deemed a yoke, which they wished to shake off, and throw their commerce
open to the whole world. Several writers appeared in America in defence
of what they were pleased to call their natural rights, who had a lucky
talent of seasoning their compositions to the palate of the bulk of the
people. Hence the seeds of disaffection which had sprung up in New
England spread through the other colonies, insomuch that multitudes
became infected with republican principles, and aspired after
independence.--But here we shall stop for the present time, and leave the
account of their farther struggles towards the accomplishment of this
favourite plan to some future opportunity.




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